This is the first of of a two-part post. Part II is available here.
Last week, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and U.S. Army Corps of Engineers announced that the regulations defining “waters of the United States” under the Federal Water Pollution Control Act (better known as the Clean Water Act) are once again going to change.
The importance of that announcement is best demonstrated through a quick recap of the chaos that has dominated this element of Clean Water Act jurisdiction. In the 1980s, the EPA and Army Corps finally agreed on a regulatory definition of “waters of the United States,” a phrase that Congress had used in its 1972 overhaul of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act to define “navigable waters.” The phrase is also one of the key jurisdictional terms defining the waters to which the restructured law applies.
“Waters of the United States” indicates that jurisdictional waters are broader than the traditional navigable waters — that is, waters that are navigable in fact or subject to the ebb and flow of the tide. Moreover, in 1985, in United States v. Riverside Bayview Homes, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously upheld the Act’s application to wetlands that are adjacent to navigable waters, inspiring the EPA and Army Corps to define “waters of the United States” based on Commerce Clause limits to federal jurisdiction. In the 21st century, however, the Court pulled back from such an expansive view of the agencies’ jurisdiction. In 2001, in Solid Waste Agency of Northern Cook County v. U.S. Corps of Engineers, it held, 5-4, that the Clean Water Act does not extend to “isolated” waters that have no hydrological connection to traditional navigable waters.
But the chaos didn’t really begin until the Court’s 2006 fractured non-decision in Rapanos v. United States, in which Justice Scalia’s four-Justice plurality offered a fairly narrow surface water connection test, Justice Kennedy offered a significant nexus test, and Justice Stevens and three other dissenters objected to both tests but concluded that jurisdiction existed if either test were met. A circuit split followed, dividing the country among regions such as the Seventh and Eleventh Circuits that follow only Justice Kennedy’s significant nexus test, those such as the Sixth and probably Ninth Circuits that follow the dissent’s either/or approach, and those that have not yet decided. No circuit followed Justice Scalia’s plurality alone.
Rulemaking to revise the definition of “waters of the United States” eventually occurred. The Obama-era EPA and Army Corps proposed their definition on April 12, 2014, and received over one million comments in response. The final rule, published August 28, 2015, focused on Justice Kennedy’s “significant nexus” test and was supported by a 400-page peer-reviewed scientific report. That report was lost in the ensuing litigation, which required the Supreme Court to establish in 2018 that the rule needed to be challenged in the U.S. District Courts and resulted in multiple district court decisions binding different constellations of states to stays and invalidations — with some states then asking to be released from decisions that they had technically “won.” It is emblematic of the chaos that by the end of July 2019, even the EPA and Army Corps weren’t sure which rule applied in New Mexico.
Less than two months later, however, the Trump administration repealed the 2015 “waters of the United States” rule. Despite litigation challenging the repeal, the country defaulted back to the post-Rapanos circuit split until June 22, 2020, when the Navigable Waters Protection Rule went into effect everywhere but Colorado. On June 19, the U.S. District Court for the District of Colorado had preliminarily enjoined the rule from taking effect, but on March 2, 2021, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit reversed the injunction. See Colorado v. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 445 F. Supp. 3d 1295 (D. Colo. 2020), rev’d, 989 F.3d 874 (10th Cir. 2021).
Thus, for the moment, the entire country is subject to the 2020 Navigable Waters Protection Rule, which is based on Justice Scalia’s surface water connection test from Rapanos.
The benefits of restored national Clean Water Act uniformity, however, are outweighed by increasing evidence that the Navigable Waters Protection Rule doesn’t protect much beyond traditionally navigable waters. In March 2021, for example, E&E News reported, based on data obtained from the Army Corps, that “[t]he agency reviewed 55,519 waters and water features since the Navigable Waters Protection Rule took effect in June under the Trump administration. Of those, more than 40,000 did not qualify for federal protection under the Clean Water Act.” In the same week, the plaintiffs in South Carolina Coastal Conservation League v. Regan, No. 2:20-cv-01687-BHH (D.S.C.), moved to lift the stay in their challenge to the Navigable Waters Protection Rule, arguing based on the EPA’s jurisdictional determination database that under the 2020 rule, the agencies were disclaiming jurisdiction in 91 percent of the requested jurisdictional determinations, compared to 58 percent under the 2015 and 1980s “waters of the United States” regulations. (NOTE: On June 14, 2021, this database indicated that out of a total of 14,214 jurisdictional determinations, only 1,120 waters were deemed subject to the Clean Water Act.) Research published in Science in April 2021 also indicates that the rule leaves much interstate water pollution unregulated. The EPA and Army Corps confirmed this contraction of Clean Water Act jurisdiction in their June 9 announcement, noting that:
Given this change in the regulatory status quo, it was entirely appropriate for President Biden to highlight the Navigable Waters Protection Rule for review on his first day in office through his Executive Order on Protecting Public Health and the Environment and Restoring Science to Tackle the Climate Crisis. Read carefully, moreover, the agencies’ June 9 announcement indicates that they will follow the same two-step process as the prior administration — a fairly immediate repeal of the 2020 rule (and, presumably, a return to the post-Rapanos split regarding application of the 1980s regulations), followed by a new rule at a somewhat later date.
Good. The agencies should take some time to rethink the regulations. The 1980s regulations have already been modified (albeit unclearly) by the Supreme Court. The 2015 rule, in addition to generating much litigation, had some vulnerabilities, especially regarding its treatment of floodplains and “adjacent” waters. The 2020 rule is based on the Rapanos test that no circuit court adopted as the sole test. Both rules categorically excluded groundwater as a “water of the United States,” an exclusion that the U.S. Supreme Court’s August 2020 decision in County of Maui v. Hawaii Wildlife Fund pretty much destroys.
There is no possibility that whatever rule the Biden administration’s EPA and Army Corps eventually come up with will escape litigation. Nor, given the Rapanos split and subsequent changes to the Supreme Court Justices, is it possible to fully predict how much deference the agencies will receive or how the Court might continue to tweak “navigable waters.” Nevertheless, three approaches might help the agencies considerably, and I'll touch on those in Part II of this post.
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Robin Kundis Craig | June 16, 2021
Recently, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and U.S. Army Corps of Engineers announced that the regulations defining “waters of the United States” under the Federal Water Pollution Control Act (better known as the Clean Water Act) are once again going to change. The importance of that announcement is best demonstrated through a quick recap of the chaos that has dominated this element of Clean Water Act jurisdiction.
Alina Gonzalez | June 15, 2021
Not long ago, the prospects of offshore wind energy seemed lofty, but the industry is finally taking off. As part of his efforts to combat climate change, President Biden has pledged to double offshore wind production by 2030. This commitment stems from the enormous benefits and potential that wind energy can provide as we transition to clean, sustainable energy.
James Goodwin | June 10, 2021
The Labor Department’s emergency COVID standard, released June 10, is too limited and weak to effectively protect all workers from the ongoing pandemic. Workers justifiably expected an enforceable general industry standard to protect them from COVID-19, and the Center for Progressive Reform (CPR) has been calling for such a standard since June 2020. But what emerged after more than six weeks of closed-door White House review was a largely unenforceable voluntary guidance document, with only health care workers receiving the benefit of an enforceable standard.
James Goodwin | June 9, 2021
In addition to cleaning up our environment, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) must also clean up the mess the Trump administration left behind. The Biden EPA recently took an important step in this direction by finalizing its plan to rescind a Trump-era rule that would drastically overhaul how it analyzes the rules it develops to implement the Clean Air Act. If implemented, Trump's "benefits-busting" rule would have sabotaged the effective and timely implementation of this popular and essential law, which protects the public from dangerous pollution that worsens asthma and causes other diseases. On June 9, the EPA held a public hearing to gather feedback on rescinding the rule. CPR Member Scholars Rebecca Bratspies and Amy Sinden joined me in testifying in support.
Daniel Farber | June 9, 2021
Hurricanes Harvey and Maria. California wildfires. Superstorm Sandy. The great Texas blackout. The list goes on. These mega-events dramatize the need to improve our disaster response system. The trends are striking: escalating disaster impacts, more disaster clustering, more disaster cascades, and less predictability. We need to up our game. Lisa Grow Sun and I discuss the implications in a new paper, but here are a few of the key takeaways.
Clarissa Libertelli | June 8, 2021
World Oceans Day marks a time to reflect on how our oceans connect to human and environmental health. This year’s theme of “Life and Livelihoods” comes at a time when our federal government is turning to energy jobs and climate justice. As the BP/Deepwater Horizon oil spill of 2010 showed, the lives and livelihoods of millions are affected by how we manage ocean policy. Eleven years later, will policy adapt to prioritize human and environmental health over business?
Daniel Farber | June 7, 2021
Some events last week sent a strong signal that the tide is turning against fossil fuels. Each of the events standing alone would have been noteworthy. The clustering of these events dramatizes an important shift. To paraphrase Churchill, this may not be beginning of the end for fossil fuels, but at least it is the end of the beginning of the campaign against them.
Maggie Dewane | June 3, 2021
In this episode of Connect the Dots, host Rob Verchick and his guests discuss energy policy at different levels of government and who's leading the way in the clean energy journey.
Karen Sokol | May 27, 2021
Member Scholar Karen Sokol submitted an op-ed to the online outlet, Drilled News, on the Supreme Court's minor procedural ruling in the Baltimore climate case and its potentially major implications.