Tomorrow, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee (HSGAC, pronounced “hiss-gak” if you want to impress your friends) will take up the nomination of Russell Vought to be president-elect Donald Trump’s Director of the Office of Management Budget (OMB). Vought’s nomination lacks the potential fireworks of Pete Hegseth (Secretary of the Department of Defense), Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. (Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services), or Tulsi Gabbard (Director of National Intelligence), but his confirmation hearing will arguably be the most important of all Trump’s nominees. And there’s a lot of important issues to watch for.
What sets Vought’s confirmation hearing apart from the others? Properly understood, it comes about as close as you can to having a confirmation hearing for the entire Trump administration. This is in part a reflection of the significance of OMB in the modern presidency. That agency is responsible for assembling the administration’s budget proposal each year. But, even with Republican control of both chambers of Congress, Capitol Hill reporters will soon be singing the common refrain that the budget proposal is “dead on arrival.”
More significant, though, is the “M” in OMB. Early in his administration, President Ronald Reagan kicked off an escalating battle with Congress over control of executive branch agencies, with OMB serving as his top general. Ever since, presidents of both parties have leaned heavily on OMB, and a sub-department there called the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), to superintend the day-to-day activities of agencies to ensure their alignment with the president’s priorities, preferences, and political concerns.
It’s fair to say that Trump is not a policy guy, which gives his OMB Director even greater authority. Vought himself recognized this in the chapter on OMB he penned for Project 2025, the radical conservative policy agenda assembled under the direction of the Heritage Foundation. There, he described the OMB Director’s role as the “President’s air-traffic control system with the ability and charge to ensure that all policy initiatives are flying in sync and with the authority to let planes take off and, at times, ground planes that are flying off course.”
In short, while Trump is off running his mouth on social media, hobnobbing with foreign dictators, or merely golfing, Vought will be doing most of what ordinary folks think of as the “president’s job.”
Because of all this, members of Senate HSGAC from both parties should take this hearing very seriously. If they do, I expect they will delve into the following topics:
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James Goodwin | January 14, 2025
On January 15, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee (HSGAC) will take up the nomination of Russell Vought to be president-elect Donald Trump’s Director of the Office of Management Budget (OMB). Vought’s nomination lacks the potential fireworks of Pete Hegseth (Secretary of the Department of Defense), Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. (Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services), or Tulsi Gabbard (Director of National Intelligence), but his confirmation hearing will arguably be the most important of all Trump’s nominees.
Daniel Farber | January 2, 2025
President-elect Donald Trump’s picks for office provide a strong hint of what the next year will look like. In Trump’s first term, government actions were often overturned by the courts. Agencies made basic mistakes: skipping mandatory procedural steps, ignoring important evidence, or failing to address opposing arguments. Many people thought he had learned his lesson and would pick competent, experienced administrators this time. They were mostly wrong.
Minor Sinclair | December 11, 2024
The Center for Progressive Reform was founded during the George W. Bush era when Republicans won the White House and controlled both houses of Congress. As a candidate, Bush threatened to put in the crosshairs the nation’s social safety net, public protections, and the government’s role to protect civil rights, consumer rights, the environment, and the common good. The circumstances were similar to those we currently find ourselves in. Then, as now, our job was to secure the system of rules and regulations critical to protecting people from harm and the environment from degradation. Still, we now face challenges that are entirely new.
Daniel Farber | December 9, 2024
They say that history never repeats itself, but it often rhymes. As in many sequels, there will be many things we’ve seen before. Much of that consisted of an all-out attack on environmental law. If you hated the original, you won’t enjoy watching the same thing the second time around. But there are a few additions to the cast and some new backdrops on the set. Today, I’m going to talk about some areas of continuity.
Daniel Farber | December 2, 2024
When the U.S. Supreme Court overruled Chevron, one effect was to raise a crucial question about how courts should apply the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). For decades, courts have deferred to regulations issued by the White House Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ). The basis for that deference was a bit fuzzy, but now it is much fuzzier.
Daniel Farber | November 15, 2024
This is the final installment in our series of posts about the causation issue under NEPA. In our previous post, we laid out NEPA’s purposes and why analogies to tort law can misfire because that area of law has very different purposes. Today, building on our recent working paper, we explain the functional approach to causation that we believe courts should apply.
Daniel Farber | November 14, 2024
Overall, the Supreme Court has articulated a functional approach that is based on the purposes of NEPA, based on the structure and text of the statute. Today’s post will lay the foundation by discussing NEPA’s purposes and how they differ from those of another area of law often used as an analogy, tort law.
Daniel Farber | November 13, 2024
NEPA requires that agencies consider the environmental effects of their projects, but the petitioners in the Seven Counties case raise hairsplitting arguments to exclude obvious effects due to technicalities. We consider their arguments one by one.
Daniel Farber | November 12, 2024
In what could turn out to be another loss for environmental protection in the Supreme Court, the Court is about to decide a major case about the scope of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). The case, Seven County Infrastructure Coalition v. Eagle County, has important implications for issues such as whether NEPA covers climate change impacts. The same groups that succeeded in drastically cutting back on federal wetlands jurisdiction a few years ago are hoping to do the same thing to environmental impact statements. This post will provide the key background on the case.