This post was originally published on Legal Planet. Reprinted with permission.
If a tree falls in the forest but no one hears it, does it still make a sound? If a law hasn’t been formally repealed but can be violated with complete impunity, is it still in effect? I’ll leave the first question to philosophers, but the second one could have major legal implications. Here’s why.
For decades, the government has set fuel efficiency standards for new vehicles. But in the big reconciliation bill it recently passed, Congress decided to embrace gas guzzlers and repealed all the penalties for violating the standards applying to light vehicles. What used to be legally meaningful standards are now at most a voluntary program.
This raises the question of whether they’re still in effect. That matters because it determines whether states can adopt their own fuel efficiency standards. The preemption provision applying to fuel efficiency standards reads as follows:
When an average fuel economy standard is in effect, a State or a political subdivision of a State may not adopt or enforce a law or regulation related to fuel economy standards or average fuel economy standards for automobiles covered by an average fuel economy standard under this chapter.
There’s a reasonable argument that the repeal of all penalties means that the CAFE standards are no longer in effect, so neither is the prohibition on state regulation. A similar question came up with Obamacare after Congress repealed the penalty for violating the individual mandate. The Supreme Court thought it was obvious that no one could have standing to challenge the constitutionality of the mandate because it had become meaningless: “The provision is unenforceable. There is no one, and nothing, to enjoin.” The Court was also somewhat incredulous about the idea that people would feel compelled to comply with the mandate after the penalty was zeroed out.
In fact, CAFE standards may not even legally qualify as regulations anymore. The Administrative Procedure Act defines a rule as “an agency statement of general or particular applicability and future effect.” But the CAFE standards no longer have any effect on anyone, present or future. They’re not rules; they’re just idle talk.
Since we have a textualist Supreme Court, we might also ask about the ordinary meaning of the phrase “in effect.” In some settings, it means “as a practical matter.” It would certainly be accurate to say, “in effect Congress repealed the CAFE standards for light vehicles.” More specifically, in application to a law or a rule, the common synonyms for “in effect” seem to be “operative” or “in force.” None of these various meanings seem to apply to a regulation that has been stripped of any legal consequences. As a matter of common sense, such a regulation is as insubstantial as a ghost.
Also note that the whole first clause of the provision — the one requiring a standard to be “in effect” — would be meaningless if this only required that a regulation be on the books. Stripped of the opening “in effect” clause, the preemption provision would read:
A State or a political subdivision of a State may not adopt or enforce a law or regulation related to fuel economy standards or average fuel economy standards for automobiles covered by an average fuel economy standard under this chapter.
When it added a separate requirement that a standard be “in effect,” Congress must have meant the opening clause to add something to merely being “covered by” a standard. After all, without the opening “in effect” clause, the rest of the preemption provision would prohibit state regulations if cars were “covered by” a federal standard. Presumably, Congress expected “in effect” to add something beyond that.
The reading that I’m suggesting is also plausible in terms of congressional intent. The import of the preemption clause is that Congress preferred to have federal regulation to state regulation. But the clause, no matter how you read it, clearly shows that Congress preferred state regulation to no regulation at all. Otherwise, it would simply have preempted all state regulation from the day the statute was passed, rather than conditioning preemption on federal standards. Allowing states to step in when federal regulation has been deprived of all possible practical effect is consistent with those congressional priorities.
I’m not arguing that this is the only possible reading of the preemption provision, but I don’t think it can be dismissed out of hand either, not in an era when the Supreme Court views statutory wording as the crux of interpretation. If a similar legal argument favored a policy they liked, the Trump administration would certainly run with the argument. Why shouldn’t we?
Showing 2,914 results
Daniel Farber | July 29, 2025
If a tree falls in the forest but no one hears it, does it still make a sound? If a law hasn’t been formally repealed but can be violated with complete impunity, is it still in effect? I’ll leave the first question to philosophers, but the second one could have major legal implications. Here’s why.
Daniel Farber | July 21, 2025
President Donald Trump is on a rampage. He has big plans for a mass repeal of existing regulations, he’s trying to use emergency declarations to short-circuit normal environmental protections, and he’s savaging environmental agencies. He’s also at war with the rule of law, dodging court orders, ignoring statutes, and punishing lawyers and law firms that have dared to challenge him. In area after area, Trump has tried to sweep aside legal constraints. Part of the point of Trump’s “shock and awe” campaign has been to overwhelm the ability of opponents and the courts to keep up with his legally questionable actions. Trump’s attack on the bureaucracy is also an attack on the rule of law because one of the key functions of bureaucrats is to ensure that the government follows the rules.
Federico Holm, James Goodwin | July 14, 2025
The Congressional Review Act (CRA) provides Congress with an expedited procedure to review and potentially overturn final rules issued by federal agencies. Despite being touted as an avenue for congressional oversight, the CRA is often deployed as a partisan tool that replaces agency expertise and democratic consideration with political maneuvers and slim voting majorities. Without meaningful debate, public participation, or scientific input, anti-regulatory members of Congress can undo years of exhaustive scientific and legal research and multiple rounds of public input in the span of a few months. In our new analysis building off our CRA By the Numbers 2025 tracker, we take stock of the use of the CRA in the current Congress, to understand how it fails as a legislative oversight tool and how it undermines democracy and agency expertise.
Daniel Farber | July 8, 2025
In one of President Donald Trump’s first executive orders, he eliminated a centralized system that Jimmy Carter initially set up to issue regulations governing environmental impact statements. Instead, he called on each agency to issue its own regulations, which seems to have caused the predictable amount of confusion. I’ve examined the new regulations from three agencies: the Department of Defense (DOD), the Department of Energy (DOE), and the Department of Transportation (DOT), which happened to be the first ones that I saw. There seems to be little rhyme or reason in the variations.
Catalina Gonzalez | July 1, 2025
At the center of the Republican reconciliation bill that the U.S. Senate just sent back to the House is a renewal of President Donald Trump’s 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act that was originally set to expire at the end of this fiscal year. Republicans have been working graveyard shifts to force a vote before the July 4th holiday to lock in even bigger tax breaks for the wealthiest five percent of Americans for the next 10 years. To pay for this, as well as increases in immigration enforcement operations, congressional Republicans are proposing an historic $1.7 trillion in cuts to healthcare, food assistance, and clean energy jobs.
Federico Holm | June 30, 2025
Since our last update on June 17, there have been few noteworthy developments regarding Congressional Review Act (CRA) resolutions, which is consistent with our expectations based on the timing for the consideration and voting of resolutions, as well as the ongoing negotiations on the “one big beautiful bill.”
Alejandro Camacho, Robert L. Glicksman | June 30, 2025
NEPA requires government agencies to use a transparent process with meaningful public participation to consider the potential environmental effects of their actions before committing to them. It is one of the United States’ bedrock environmental protection statutes and has been so widely emulated in other countries that it has become known as the “Magna Carta” of global environmental law. In the U.S., however, NEPA has recently been the subject of withering scrutiny and attack by critics across the political spectrum. Its opponents have called for the narrowing of NEPA’s scope and the “streamlining” of its processes, charging that the Act’s core mandate to “look before you leap” has spun out of control and created unintended and massive obstacles to approval of critical infrastructure.
Bryan Dunning, Federico Holm | June 23, 2025
In a recent post, we highlighted how the Trump administration's executive orders (EOs) boosting the coal industry will likely not accomplish their hopes for “revival,” as the basic economics of coal generation cannot be modified by executive order, despite Trump’s or Lee Zeldin’s desires. What these policies will achieve, ultimately, is releasing coal-fired power plant operators from any obligation not to harm the communities where they operate.
Minor Sinclair | June 18, 2025
Five years ago, our board of directors instituted term limits for its members. This was a major decision for a 22-year-old organization that relied on the ongoing commitment of its five founders, all professors of law. Board members have stepped down while others have joined, and the process of renewal and transition has been healthy for the organization. In this context, we’re thrilled to announce the election of four new members to our growing board of directors — two Member Scholars and two independent members. Through each of their commitments to justice, solidarity, and democracy, they embody the deepest values of our organization.