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Many States Are Moving to Regulate Data Centers. North Carolina Just Took a Step Sideways.

Across the country, legislators are figuring out how to regulate the worst harms from data centers. In North Carolina, the latest bill to do so is Senate Bill 730. Unfortunately, SB 730 is not a step forward in protecting North Carolinians from the harms of data centers. Rather, it is a step sideways, evading needed regulations.

 SB 730 seeks to force communities to accept the “inevitability” of land, water, and energy-intensive extractive data centers while giving North Carolinians merely the pretense of protection. The utility-friendly bill does not speak to broader concerns — namely, that communities (now 23 jurisdictions) have repeatedly said “no data centers” at all.

Communities know that bare minimum ratepayer protections like SB 730 still have loopholes that leave them vulnerable to long-term costs like stranded assets (especially with the 15-year contract provisions outlined in the bill). This is particularly problematic due to the added burden of “construction work in progress” passed last year, which allows Duke Energy to foist infrastructure costs (i.e., the proposed nuclear facilities in SB 73) onto ratepayers, even if those plants never come online. With new gas plants already justified and approved to power data center growth, ratepayers are already on the hook for fuel and infrastructure costs for new data centers. SB 73 does not address the harms from the effective repeal of our state’s carbon law and ignores that we are in an active climate crisis.

SB 730 lacks enforceable mechanisms for overconsumption of water resources, it does not repeal state-level tax incentives for data centers, and, arguably the worst part, it has easy loopholes to undermine the state’s 2050 carbon reduction goals. Protection gaps still exist for community members living near data centers — water provisions like water assessment still remain mostly optional, “closed-loop” is still treated as if it solves the water problem, and “de minimis” withdrawal/discharge still remains undefined.

All of this means that communities, especially in vulnerable, drought-prone areas of the state, will lack control over their water resources and accountability mechanisms to prevent even worse harms. Additionally, the “large-load tariff” structure that would force the tech company to pay a higher rate than residential customers for electricity costs is only in the study phase. Until there is an actual mechanism for ensuring residential customers are not subsidizing these rates at all, the public will be on the hook for fuel and infrastructure costs associated with data centers on top of usual utility commission-sanctioned rate-hikes.

After a major erasure of our 2030 goals last year (SB 266), we are barely fulfilling our state’s carbon reduction law; new provisions in SB 730 allow Duke Energy to extend the 2050 deadline for “adequacy” and “reliability” purposes. This is what enabled Duke to be out of compliance and ultimately lobby to repeal 2030 carbon reduction goals with SB 266. By inflating load growth from data centers, Duke Energy argued that it couldn’t meet reliability with more renewable resources and had to build new methane gas plants to meet this demand. SB 730 effectively does the same for North Carolina’s 2050 carbon goals.

Further, the bill includes provisions that require nuclear plant approval before baseload facilities (fossil-fuel based sources) can be retired, yet again prolonging fossil fuel-based pollution, and substituting clean, affordable, and reliable solar and wind resources for expensive and unproven nuclear technology. Nuclear energy is the most expensive non-carbon energy resource, and ratepayers will be again on the hook for this infrastructure with construction work in progress.

Our neighbors in Georgia have warned us about paying for expensive nuclear plants with ever-increasing costs over time with their own Plant Vogtle; we should heed this warning. In the meanwhile, communities will have to deal with even longer timelines for coal-based air pollution at the whims of Duke Energy, which continues to move the needle on “reliability” and “affordability.”

A better alternative to a patchwork of underbaked, ratepayer protection provisions would be a state-level data center moratorium. As of June 2026, lawmakers in 14 states are considering temporary bans on data centers while air, water, land, and public health harms are studied. A May 2026 Gallup poll reflected a broader, national trend on the public’s rejection of data centers: 7 in 10 Americans oppose AI data centers in their communities. Food and Water Watch, alongside legislative champion U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, has introduced a proposed federal moratorium on data centers given their sweeping and multi-state harms.

Here in North Carolina, Rep. Donnie Loftis introduced a two-year moratorium bill with an attached study at the Collaboratory, a research arm of the University of North Carolina System. While delegating data center impacts research to a pro-AI university (University of North Carolina) isn’t preferred ( what’s needed is more community-based and environmental justice-led research),  Loftis’ bill suggests that community members are reaching their representatives and are asking not just for “less harm,” but “no harm.”

North Carolina should be the next state to reject subsidizing big tech for an inequitable deal — communities will experience health harms, economic devastation, and will subsidize the costs of data centers without a strong floor of protection at the state level.

The tide is turning against Big Tech and its expensive, polluting infrastructure all across the United States. Will North Carolina lead the way with a moratorium or settle for half-baked protections?

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Sophie Loeb | June 9, 2026

Many States Are Moving to Regulate Data Centers. North Carolina Just Took a Step Sideways.

Across the country, legislators are figuring out how to regulate the worst harms from data centers. In North Carolina, the latest bill to do so is Senate Bill 730. Unfortunately, SB 730 is not a step forward in protecting North Carolinians from the harms of data centers. Rather, it is a step sideways, evading needed regulations.

Arvind Salem, James Goodwin | June 8, 2026

FAR from the APA: How Federal Procurement Law Is Undermining Reasoned Agency Decision-Making

The growing use of AI for such complex governance functions as regulatory decision-making is attracting attention. The practice risks putting two existing bodies of public law—those governing the rulemaking process and procurement, respectively—on a collision course: in particular, rulemaking’s emphasis on transparency and procurement’s emphasis on quick commercial transactions that often do not include robust transparency audits. The impetus for this potential clash is that the architecture of many of the AI systems that the federal government employs are developed by private contractors.

Daniel Farber | June 1, 2026

The Next Step in Trump’s War on Science

A proposed new rule would replace merit-based funding of science with a heavily politicized process. It would also deprive scientists of the ability to rely on finding for long-term projects. This proposal has no real legal basis. It is likely to undermine American science, giving a boost to China's efforts to take over global scientific leadership.

Alejandro Camacho, Robert L. Glicksman | May 21, 2026

The U.S. Constitution and Laws Do Not Protect Oil Companies from Being Sued over the Harm They Cause to the Climate

This excerpt is from a commentary originally published in The Conversation. In recent years, at least two dozen local and state governments have sued petroleum companies to recover the billions in costs they have incurred responding to and rebuilding after flooding, storms and wildfires – all of which have been worsened by changes to the […]

Daniel Farber | May 15, 2026

Trump versus Cost-Benefit Analysis

EPA has said it would no longer try to quantify the harms done by the two most serious, widespread air pollutants. Given that these are the most fully understood of all environmental impacts, it’s not clear what future regulations, if any, might still be subject to cost-benefit analysis. This didn’t come out of the blue. Rather, it is the culmination of a series of steps that began when President Donald Trump first took office in 2017.

Federico Holm | May 12, 2026

Misusing the Congressional Review Act as a Tool for Land Management Policy

It is tempting to think that the threat of the current Congress abusing the Congressional Review Act (CRA) is over, now that the deadline to revisit rules implemented during the previous Congress’s session—provided by the CRA’s unique “lookback provision”—has formally passed. But that would be a mistake, as conservative lawmakers have found novel ways to target agency actions from previous administrations.

Steph Tai | May 7, 2026

As Government Privatization Efforts Grow, Lawsuits Against Federal Contractors Get More Difficult

The question of which court should hear a case isn’t always as easy as it might seem — and the answer can sometimes make a difference in the potential outcome. For instance, in 2013, the government of Plaquemines Parish, Louisiana, decided to sue several oil companies for violating a 1978 state law that required a state permit for oil production along the Louisiana coast.

Alejandro Camacho | May 5, 2026

We Can Learn from the Oscillations of U.S. Environmental Law

The Trump administration recently repealed the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s 2009 endangerment finding—the scientific and legal determination that greenhouse gases threaten public health and welfare that has anchored federal climate regulation for nearly two decades. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin called the finding “the Holy Grail of federal regulatory overreach.” Within weeks, a coalition of more than 20 states filed suit in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to reverse the repeal. The legal battle that follows will help define American environmental policy for a generation. Brigham Daniels and I did not plan the timing of our new book, Lessons for a Warming Planet: A Vital History of US Environmental Law, to coincide with this particular legal conflict. But we could not have chosen a more clarifying moment for its release. The endangerment finding repeal is not an aberration—it is a recognizable recurrence in a history that stretches back centuries. Law has always been the primary engine of both environmental exploitation and protection in the United States.

Bryan Dunning | May 4, 2026

The Costs of Climate Change Are Rising. Shielding the Oil and Gas Industry from Accountability Is a Terrible Idea.

On April 23, the Baltimore Sun published an op-ed lambasting efforts by localities and states to hold the fossil fuel industry responsible for decades of misinformation about the dangers of their products. These hazards to the public’s health, welfare, and safety are now coming home to roost in the form of extreme weather, increased flooding […]