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At House Judiciary Hearing, CPR’s Hammond Calls Out Efforts to Rig Environmental Review Process

This morning, CPR Member Scholar and George Washington University Law Professor Emily Hammond is set to testify before the House Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Regulatory Reform, Commercial, and Antitrust Law at a hearing that will look at two highly flawed bills. While their particulars differ, each is conspicuously (if a bit clumsily) designed to rig the environmental permitting process to allow industry groups to ram through big infrastructure and construction projects while shutting out the public from its traditional and vital role of meaningful participation and engagement. 

Hammond's testimony provides a devastating and thorough critique of each of the two bills under consideration – the Permitting Litigation Efficiency Act of 2018 (PLEA) (H.R. 5468) and the North Texas Water Supply Security Act of 2017 (H.R. 4423), respectively. The "problem" these bills try to "solve" is that existing administrative laws and procedures have a pesky habit of creating a neutral process meant to lead to better government decision-making, and oftentimes that means yielding results that cut into industry profits to ensure reasonable environmental protections. As Hammond puts it: 

Both PLEA and H.R. 4423 are thinly veiled attempts to tamper with well-established procedural systems on behalf of anti-environmental interests. The Administrative Procedure Act (APA) embodies an important choice made by a unanimous Congress: The statute creates generally applicable, neutral procedures for agencies to follow, rather than creating piecemeal carve-outs for specific agencies or subject-matter areas. The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure are similarly designed. Both are procedural systems that provide access to enforcing substantive rights and obligations, thereby ensuring fairness and promoting confidence in the legal system. 

On the basis of her analysis, Hammond concludes that the two bills "amount to stunning attempts to chill public engagement and undermine principles of good governance." 

As she explains, some of the provisions in the bills seek to constrain judicial discretion when reviewing legal challenges to environmental permits – and to do so in ways that inevitably favor industry's preferred outcomes. For example, a provision of PLEA requires courts to presume "unreasonable delay" if an agency has not acted within a certain timeframe on particular permitting decisions. The result would be that the reviewing judge in many cases would be compelled to order the agency to act on the permit, thereby expediting the project that industry desires and short-circuiting public interest attempts to ensure that the permit properly accounts for environmental factors. 

Other provisions are meant to limit the ability of public interest groups to challenge certain environmental permits in court. For example, another provision in PLEA would authorize reviewing judges to require public interest litigants to pay a bond of up to $5 million to have their challenges heard. Few public interest groups could satisfy this requirement, thereby effectively insulating permitting decisions against one of the most critical avenues of public engagement and oversight. 

In this way, the two bills act as a pair of scissors – with one blade that skews decision-making in favor of industry and another that bars meaningful public engagement in environmental permitting decisions – designed to cut through important environmental protections. 

On the whole, the bills are part of a broader conservative strategy to use "infrastructure policy" as a Trojan horse for smuggling in attacks on bedrock environmental laws like the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and the Endangered Species Act. Despite their claims, we can have better and safer infrastructure without unnecessarily sacrificing our natural environment. It merely requires better priorities and realistic financial investment. 

Professor Hammond's testimony provides a critical reality check. Hopefully, the conservative members in attendance at the hearing are prepared to listen.

This post was updated to add the bill number assigned to the Permitting Litigation Efficiency Act of 2018 on April 12.

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James Goodwin | April 12, 2018

At House Judiciary Hearing, CPR’s Hammond Calls Out Efforts to Rig Environmental Review Process

This morning, CPR Member Scholar and George Washington University Law Professor Emily Hammond is set to testify before the House Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Regulatory Reform, Commercial, and Antitrust Law at a hearing that will look at two highly flawed bills. While their particulars differ, each is conspicuously (if a bit clumsily) designed to rig […]

Matthew Freeman | April 11, 2018

CPR’s 2018 Op-Eds, Part One

CPR’s Member Scholars and staff are off to a fast start on the op-ed front in 2018. We list them all on our op-ed page, but here’s a quick roundup of pieces they’ve placed so far. Member Scholar Alejandro Camacho joins his UC-Irvine colleague Michael Robinson-Dorn in a piece published by The Conversation. In “Turning power […]

Evan Isaacson | April 9, 2018

Halftime for the Chesapeake Bay: New Webpage on Midpoint Assessment of Pollution Cleanup Effort

The Center for Progressive Reform has been closely watching the development and implementation of the Chesapeake Bay restoration plan since its inception. As part of our ongoing commitment to ensure the success of the plan, known as the Bay TMDL, we have developed a new web-based resource focused on the issues and decisions related to the TMDL's midpoint assessment […]

David Flores | April 5, 2018

New Policy Research from CPR’s Verchick Featured in Royal Society Report on Paris Climate Accord

A new report in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A published earlier this week presents a suite of new scientific and policy research meant to improve and drive forward progress under the Paris Climate Agreement. The report – from the oldest science journal in the western world – is the culmination of presentations […]

Daniel Farber | April 2, 2018

Climate Change in the Courts

There are three important climate lawsuits pending in federal court. Here’s the state of play and what to expect next. In the first case, Oakland and San Francisco sued leading oil companies. They claim that the companies’ production and sale of fossil fuels is a public nuisance under California state law. They seek an abatement […]

Joel Eisen | March 30, 2018

Coal and Nuclear Plant Bailout Would Be Unjustified Use of DOE’s Emergency Authority

It's no secret that the Trump administration and coal companies have drawn a bullseye on reversing coal's declining fortunes in wholesale electricity markets, where competition and inexpensive natural gas have driven coal's market share down from 50 percent in 1990 to about 30 percent today. Feeling bullish about their prospects in a sympathetic administration, owners […]

Evan Isaacson | March 29, 2018

What Happens on the Land Happens to the Water

This post is part of an ongoing series on the midpoint assessment and long-term goals of the Chesapeake Bay cleanup effort. In my last post, I described how a database housed by the Maryland Department of the Environment allows tracking of land development activities in real time. This database not only gives us the ability to track […]

| March 28, 2018

What the Failure to Account for Growth Looks Like in Maryland

This post is part of an ongoing series on the midpoint assessment and long-term goals of the Chesapeake Bay cleanup effort. In a recent post, I described the broad failure of Chesapeake Bay states to follow EPA’s basic expectations to account for pollution growth under the restoration framework known as the Bay TMDL. This failure is one […]

Rena Steinzor | March 27, 2018

The Guidance Racket

Originally published on The Regulatory Review. Reprinted with permission. The spirited conservative attack on regulatory guidance is both puzzling and hypocritical. Admittedly, agencies sometimes issue guidance to avoid the quicksand of informal rulemaking. But the law makes clear that without full-dress procedure, guidance can never replace rules and statutes in enforcement actions. Remedying agency overreach in […]