Originally published on Legal Planet.
Last Friday, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals halted efforts to build a natural gas pipeline because the Trump administration had done such a lousy job of showing its compliance with the Endangered Species Act. This was one of the administration's many losses in court. The case involved a perfect example of "arbitrary and capricious" decision making, to use the legal terminology. In simpler terms, the government's explanation for its decision was as full of holes as a sieve. This was such a textbook case, I'll be surprised if the court's opinion doesn't make it into one of the environmental law casebooks.
The case, Defenders of Wildlife v. Dept. of Interior, was actually back before the Fourth Circuit for the second time. In 2017, the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service (FWS) issued a Biological Opinion saying that the project wouldn't jeopardize the survival of three endangered species but requiring the project to avoid disturbing portions of the land. About six months later, the Fourth Circuit ruled that the FWS had failed to explain why they couldn't place numerical limits on the number of animals killed, which is the preferred approach. The FWS then went through a whirlwind revision effort and completed its response in under three weeks. (More about that later.) It went back to the Fourth Circuit. This time the outcome was even worse for the agency.
For simplicity, I'm going to talk about just one of the species, the rusty patched bumble bee, or RPBB – partly because it's the most accessible part of the court's opinion, partly because for some reason, I happen to like bumble bees. The RPBB used to be widespread, but its populations have fallen over 90 percent since the late 1990s. It's now so endangered that every population existing is important to the survival of the species. A bee had been found in the general area, and based on the habitat preferred by this species, the FWS concluded in 2017 that there might be some nests near the proposed pipeline. Not too much is known about the RPBB in particular, but FWS made some assumptions about how big the colonies might be (100-1,000 bees) and how many nests would be likely. By the time that the FWS considered the issue again in 2018, however, the pipeline owner had had some very bad luck. Three more bees were found closer to the pipeline right-of-way. The FWS did some more calculations based on the larger area now thought to contain the bees and concluded that there were probably 22 nests, each producing 30 queens that live through the winter to start a new nest in the spring.
All of that sounds very scientific, yet it was based on very shaky assumptions. Normally, the FWS would have done a survey to find out just how many nests were in the area. But not in this case, because they were told to move quickly. As one staff member wrote, "Our internal direction is that we can't require surveys and will not make further requests for surveys that interfere with applicant's project schedule since they are priority fast-track projects, and we will not state that we have insufficient information to initiate consultation and will not delay initiation of consultation based on lack of baseline/species survey data." ("Consultation" sounds very collegial, but it actually means that the FWS decides whether or not to halt the project.). And the numbers that FWS used instead of doing the survey were dodgy. For instance, they assumed that there would be 30 queens per nest, but in recent years no one has found a nest with more than 30 bees including workers, drones, and queens. The University of Minnesota researcher whose studies provided the basis for the estimates said in an email to FWS, "All I have is a wild guess based on what I've seen in other captive and retrieved wild colonies."
Not surprisingly, career wildlife experts at FWS weren't exactly thrilled about all this. An internal email said that the FWS's work was out of step with its handbook and much more superficial than usual. The author added, "…but we can get by that with my excessive wit, charm, and grace." The court apparently missed the irony that was probably intended by the author, saying, "Wit, charm, and grace, however, do not make for sound agency action." There were some other problems with agency's analysis regarding the bee, but I won't burden you with the court's discussion of those.
Some of the problems with the agency's decision to approve the project were probably simply due to the fact that it was a very hard decision to justify given the stringent protections created by the Endangered Species Act. But part of it was undoubtedly due to the incessant pressure to make a quick decision. That's not limited to this one decision or the FWS. For instance, EPA Administrator Wheeler announced last week that EPA was going to skip the normal consultation with an expert scientific board in its haste to wrap up new air quality standards for particulates by 2020 (or in other words, before Trump's term ends). The scientific issues there are far more complex, and EPA's haste is increasing the odds that it will blunder badly in its analysis. Which is OK with me but may lead to the same result: a reversal in court.
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Daniel Farber | July 29, 2019
Originally published on Legal Planet. Last Friday, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals halted efforts to build a natural gas pipeline because the Trump administration had done such a lousy job of showing its compliance with the Endangered Species Act. This was one of the administration's many losses in court. The case involved a perfect […]
Amy Sinden | July 26, 2019
This commentary was originally published by The American Prospect. Everyone in communications knows how to bury a news story: release it late on a Friday. So it was with the White House’s annual report on federal regulations, released months behind schedule on a Friday in February. As it has for many years, the report pegged […]
Daniel Farber | July 25, 2019
Originally published on Legal Planet. To hear President Trump talk, the point of deregulation is to reduce the burden of regulation on industry. But weirdly enough, that doesn't turn out to be true of Trump's effort to repeal Obama's Clean Power Plan (CPP) and replace it with his own Affordable Clean Energy (ACE) rule. Both […]
Rena Steinzor | July 23, 2019
Originally published by The Regulatory Review. Reprinted with permission. As the United States slogs through year three of a deregulatory implosion, one truth has become clear: As practiced by the Trump administration, cost-benefit analysis has become a perversion of a neutral approach to policymaking. To be forthright, I was never a fan of the number […]
Joel A. Mintz | July 22, 2019
Originally published by The Regulatory Review. Reprinted with permission. When it comes to the need for federal regulation, the American political system is currently deeply divided along ideological and partisan lines. This division has a number of causes, but a good part of the division can unquestionably be attributed to what Professor Thomas McGarity has […]
Daniel Farber | July 18, 2019
Originally published on Legal Planet There's already been a lot written in the aftermath of Justice Stevens's death, including Ann Carlson's excellent Legal Planet post earlier this week. I'd like to add something about an aspect of his jurisprudence that had great relevance to environmental law: his belief in the rule of law, and specifically, […]
Joel A. Mintz | July 17, 2019
This op-ed was originally published in The Hill. In a recent speech, President Trump touted what he described as "America's environmental leadership" during his presidency. He claimed that over the past two-and-a-half years, his administration has been "a good steward of public land," reduced emissions of greenhouse gases, and successfully promoted clean air and water. His […]
Daniel Farber | July 15, 2019
Originally published on Legal Planet Mississippi recently passed a law that has the effect of banning terms like "veggie burger." It's easy to imagine other states passing similar laws. From an environmental view, that's problematic, because beef in particular is connected with much higher greenhouse gas emissions than plant products. It's not just the methane […]
Alice Kaswan | July 12, 2019
High hopes that putting a price on carbon emissions would provide the most effective and politically expedient climate change policy keep getting dashed. In June, Oregon's Republican senators fled the state and hid rather than enact a carbon cap-and-trade program. Washington State citizen initiatives to pass a carbon tax have failed – twice. Even in […]