Earlier this week, we submitted a public comment to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), criticizing the agency's March 2020 supplemental proposal for its “censored science" rulemaking. This rule, among other things, would require the public release of underlying data for studies considered in regulatory decision-making, and thus might prevent the agency from relying on such seminal public health research as Harvard’s Six Cities study, which have formed the backbone of many of the EPA’s regulations, simply because they rely on confidential data.
First proposed during the brief and tumultuous tenure of former EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt, the rule, officially known by its Orwellian moniker “Strengthening Transparency for Regulatory Science,” has become a key part of the Trump administration’s assault on the agency’s credibility and authority. Indeed, the arrival of this administration has seen the EPA completely abandon its mission of protecting public health and the environment to pursue the weakening or elimination of vital safeguards at the behest of the administration's industry benefactors. The administration’s motive was clear in 2017 when President Trump appointed Pruitt – a fossil fuel industry ally and vocal climate skeptic – to lead the EPA. The subsequent appointment of coal industry lobbyist Andrew Wheeler in 2018 has proven to be no improvement.
A New York Times tracker tallies 64 completed and 34 in-progress environmental rollbacks since 2017. In the last two months alone, EPA announced a sweeping non-enforcement policy, effectively excusing non-compliance among polluters during the COVID-19 pandemic. The agency also announced its final rule rolling back vehicle emissions standards and weakened mercury and air toxic standards (known as MATS) for power plants. Finally, Wheeler abandoned efforts to strengthen national PM2.5 (fine particulate matter) standards, despite recommendations from EPA scientists. This is all happening as new research shows that elevated exposure to particulate matter is associated with an increased COVID-19 death rate.
Contrary to the agency’s claims, the supplemental proposal for the censored science rule fails to address the grave concerns raised by more than half a million scientists and public interest advocates in response to its original proposal. The rule’s provisions remain anything but transparent and only serve to further attack science and harm public health.
As detailed in our comment, the EPA has failed to even meet the basic threshold responsibility of identifying a legal authority that would authorize it to issue this rule. The supplemental proposal makes the novel claim that an obscure law dating back to 1789, the Federal Housekeeping Statute, provides this authority. The trouble is that by its own terms, this law does not apply to the EPA. Whoops. And, even if it did, the modest authorities it confers would never come close to authorizing something as far-reaching as the censored science rule.
Furthermore, the rule will inevitably harm public health and the environment. The supplemental proposal claims that data underlying studies reviewed by the EPA be publicly available for “re-analysis,” yet does not articulate why it is necessary to recalculate results of peer-reviewed research. Not only does this provision undermine existing, robust agency standards for peer review and information quality, but it would be prohibitively costly and time-consuming to implement. And applying the rule retroactively and expanding the scope to include “influential scientific information” only further stretches the agency’s already-limited resources. Efforts to protect communities currently burdened by pollution could effectively come to a standstill if EPA researchers are tasked with unnecessarily scrutinizing nearly every study that comes through the agency’s doors.
The EPA’s response to concerns regarding data availability is to weigh more heavily studies where data are publicly available. This “compromise” is arbitrary and runs counter to principles of transparency, as the agency would rely more heavily on a study with publicly available data over one that meets the highest scientific standards and yields compelling results. The public availability of data should not be the primary determinant of scientific rigor and quality and only serves to exclude research that may influence the outcomes of regulatory decision-making.
To be clear, knocking the best science out of the regulatory process as this proposal would do is not a side effect of a poorly thought-out rule. It is the true purpose of the initiative. Trump, Wheeler, and Pruitt before him set out to slant the regulatory process by further tilting it toward industry's interests. Serving the goal of transparency is nowhere on their agenda, and neither, for that matter is the agency's statutory mission of protecting public health and the environment.
If the EPA truly sought to achieve transparency, it would prioritize assessments of new and emerging research and, as CPR Member Scholars Wendy Wagner and Rena Steinzor suggest, require conflict of interest disclosures and apply the standards prospectively, providing researchers with ample notice of the new requirements.
Until the EPA provides a credible legal and scientific basis for this rulemaking, the agency should abandon this unjustified, misleading, and dangerous proposal. Our full comment can be read here.
CPR Member Scholar Sean Hecht also submitted a comment on behalf of 100 law professors at 70 universities in 33 states and Washington, D.C., including many of CPR’s Member Scholars. You can read more about that letter on Legal Planet.
Top photo by the Natural Resources Defense Council, used under a Creative Commons license.
Showing 2,829 results
Darya Minovi, James Goodwin | May 20, 2020
Earlier this week, we submitted a public comment to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), criticizing the agency's March 2020 supplemental proposal for its “censored science" rulemaking. This rule, among other things, would require the public release of underlying data for studies considered in regulatory decision-making, and thus might prevent the agency from relying on such seminal public health research as Harvard’s Six Cities study, which have formed the backbone of many of the EPA’s regulations, simply because they rely on confidential data.
Alejandro Camacho, Robert L. Glicksman | May 20, 2020
Much of the discussion of the Trump administration's failed handling of the COVID-19 pandemic has focused on its delayed, and then insufficiently urgent, response, as well as the President's apparent effort to talk and tweet the virus into submission. All are fair criticisms. But the bungled initial response—or lack of response—was made immeasurably worse by the administration's confused and confusing allocation of authority to perform or supervise tasks essential to reducing the virus's damaging effects. Those mistakes hold important lessons.
Katie Tracy | May 19, 2020
The Occupational Safety and Health Administration's (OSHA) Whistleblower Protection Program (WPP) plays a vital role in protecting workers from employers who cut corners on safety or who violate other federal laws: It protects those workers who report such abuses from retaliation, making it harder for employers to get away with breaking the law. Or at least that's how it's supposed to work. The 23 separate federal statutes the program encompasses cover a wide range of corporate wrongdoing, including violations of clean air and drinking water standards, food safety standards, workplace health and safety standards, and much more. If an employer retaliates against an employee for taking any of the actions covered by these laws, the employee may file a retaliation complaint with OSHA for investigation.
Darya Minovi | May 18, 2020
On May 26, CPR and our advocacy partners are hosting a virtual town hall event to discuss the latest research and insights on air and water pollution from industrial livestock operations and their impact on public health and the environment in the Delmarva region.
Michael C. Duff | May 14, 2020
Listening in on Tuesday's Senate Hearing on Corporate Liability During the Coronavirus Pandemic, I was especially pleased to hear workers' compensation immunity discussed. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island specifically asked whether blanket corporate immunity would constitute subsidization of workers' compensation insurers. Witness Professor David Vladeck of Georgetown University Law Center responded that it very well could if workers' compensation were not carved out of the bill. I did not hear anyone contend during the hearing that workers' compensation could not be part of an immunity blanket, which is food for thought.
Daniel Farber | May 13, 2020
Sen. Mitch McConnell is demanding that any future coronavirus relief law provide a litigation shield for businesses, and other conservative and business interests have made similar proposals. So far, the supporters of these proposals have engaged in some dramatic handwaving but haven't begun to make a reasoned argument in support of a litigation shield.
James Goodwin | May 12, 2020
Yesterday, a group of 20 Center for Progressive Reform Board Members, Member Scholars, and staff joined a letter to House and Senate leaders calling on them to reject efforts to attach to future COVID-19 pandemic-related legislation provisions that would interfere with the ability of workers, consumers, and members of their families to hold businesses accountable when their unreasonably dangerous actions have caused workers or consumers to contract the virus. Instead, as the letter urges, lawmakers should ensure that our courthouse doors remain open to all Americans to pursue any meritorious civil justice claims for injuries they suffer arising from companies' failure to guard against the spread of the coronavirus.
John Echeverria | May 11, 2020
Anyone following the news about the coronavirus knows about the vocal opposition by libertarians and other right-wing extremists to government measures designed to control the pandemic. On television, the coverage has focused on angry, gun-toting protesters. But there's another avenue of opposition to the virus-related safeguards, one that's less photogenic but no less divorced from reality. In recent weeks, a number of land and business owners have filed lawsuits claiming stay-at-home orders and business closings represent “takings” of private property under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. These takings claims should be -- and likely will be -- rejected based on firm U.S. Supreme Court precedent.
Matthew Freeman | May 8, 2020
In the latest episode of CPR Board President Rob Verchick's Connect the Dots podcast, he and CPR Member Scholars Michael Duff and Thomas McGarity explore worker safety issues in the era of the coronavirus. McGarity begins the conversation with the story of Annie Grant, a 15-year veteran of the packing line at a Tyson Food poultry processing plant in Camilla, Georgia. One morning in late March, weeks after the nation had awakened to the danger of the coronavirus and states had begun locking down, she felt feverish. When her children urged her to stay home rather than work with a fever on the chilled poultry line, she told them that the company insisted that she continue to work.