This is the first post of a two-part set. Click to read Part II.
Over the past few years, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has shown increasing hostility to the use of Supplemental Environmental Projects (SEPs) in settlements of federal environmental enforcement cases. Aside from a series of ever-tightening SEP policies, however, DOJ has never asserted in court that these projects are unconstitutional. At least not yet.
In a case pending before the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan, United States v. DTE Energy, Inc., the constitutionality of both SEPs and citizen suits in general may soon be at issue. The case began as a typical New Source Review matter in the Obama administration. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) asked the Justice Department to sue DTE on the grounds that equipment updates to some of the company's electric generating stations were sufficiently significant that its plants must be subject to the relatively stringent emission standards applicable to new and modified air pollution sources. The Sierra Club intervened in the lawsuit as a co-plaintiff under the citizen suit provision of the Clean Air Act.
After protracted litigation, the federal courts decided the New Source Review question in the government and Sierra Club’s favor. DTE then sought a settlement. However, DOJ and the Sierra Club disagreed as to what the terms of the settlement should be.
The government and DTE negotiated a consent decree calling for injunctive relief and the payment of civil penalties. The Sierra Club raised no objections to that decree. However, the organization sought to supplement the settlement by negotiating a “side agreement” with DTE. This pact, agreed to by DTE, called for a SEP that required the company to close three of its coal-burning power plants and set aside $2 million for additional mitigation measures.
DOJ objected to this side agreement. It filed a motion – pending before the District Court as of this writing – seeking dismissal of the Sierra Club/DTE settlement on the basis of the doctrine of constitutional avoidance. The government’s motion implies that if the side agreement is not voided, the court will need to decide whether that agreement violates the constitutionally mandated separation of powers and interferes with a “core function” of the president and the federal executive branch: enforcing federal law. Moreover, a citizen-negotiated SEP may be ruled a “taking” of the defendant’s property, DOJ argued.
Professor Richard Epstein filed an amicus curiae brief with the district court, siding with the government and contending that the Clean Air Act citizen suit provision unconstitutionally violates the unitary executive principal by dividing executive authority over law enforcement “among two masters.” In Epstein’s view, the federal government is constitutionally entitled to have sole control over all federal enforcement cases. According to his argument, citizen suit provisions in environmental statutes are unconstitutional per se.
The DTE Energy matter bears close watching. The constitutionality of citizen suits in general, and SEPs in particular, now seems likely to be before the trial court in the case, and quite possibly the federal appellate courts down the road. An initial analysis of the constitutional issues implicated in this case is thus called for. I will present an analysis of the takings question in the DTE Energy context in the remainder of this post, and then address the separation of powers and executive function questions in a subsequent post.
The basic notion of a taking is that a person or entity deprived of property by the government involuntarily, i.e., against their will, is due compensation from the government. SEPs, however, are entirely voluntary agreements between defendants in environmental enforcement cases and government agencies or citizen plaintiffs requiring measures that benefit public health or the environment. No defendant is compelled to enter into a SEP – incentivized to be sure, but not compelled. Defendants always have the option of settling with the government or citizen plaintiff on the basis of a somewhat larger monetary penalty without a SEP or continuing to litigate the enforcement case pending against them in the courts.
Nonetheless, many environmental defendants prefer to enter into SEP agreements, mostly because they perceive a public relations advantage in being able to publicize that they are sponsoring a project that benefits a segment of the public and/or the natural environment. When they volunteer to do so, no government entity has “taken” their property in any meaningful sense.
Judicial safeguards against wildly inappropriate legislation or regulation are certainly appropriate. However, those safeguards are best provided by the Constitution’s due process and equal protection clauses. The takings clause was originally intended to guard against uncompensated physical seizures of private property. Its scope is best limited to that narrow purpose. It is simply the wrong part of the Constitution on which to base judicial review of regulatory measures. If a defendant decides it's in their interest to enter into a SEP, they can't then turn around and claim that the government has "taken" something from them, and the Justice Department has no business making such claims on their behalf. No matter how badly the Trump EPA and Justice Department want to make life easy for polluters, they can't rewrite the Constitution by fiat.
Read Part II of "Citizen Suits, Environmental Settlements, and the Constitution."
Top image by Flickr user uusc4all, used under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
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Joel A. Mintz | September 14, 2020
Over the past few years, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has shown increasing hostility to the use of Supplemental Environmental Projects (SEPs) in settlements of federal environmental enforcement cases. Aside from a series of ever-tightening SEP policies, however, DOJ has never asserted in court that these projects are unconstitutional. At least not yet.
Matthew Freeman | September 9, 2020
CPR Board President Rob Verchick is out with a new episode of the Connect the Dots podcast, the first in a new season focused on climate justice. As he puts it, "We’re looking at people living in the cross hairs of climate change, those disproportionately carrying the burden of the world and suffering on a daily basis."
Rena Steinzor | September 8, 2020
As the country prays for relief from the global pandemic, what have we learned that could help us protect the environment better? Most alarming, I would argue, are COVID-19's revelations about the power of conspiracy theories and the antipathy they generate toward scientific experts.
Katlyn Schmitt | September 3, 2020
In the absence of meaningful action by OSHA, more than a dozen states, including Virginia, have issued emergency safety measures to protect essential workers from the risks of COVID-19. But Maryland – home to one of the largest poultry industries in the nation – is glaringly absent from that list.
Matthew Freeman | September 1, 2020
Writing in The Hill, CPR's Bill Buzbee and Mažeika Patricio Sullivan expand on a point they and their co-authors on an important article in Science magazine in August made ably: The Trump administration is running roughshod over science and law in its efforts to deregulate.
Alejandro Camacho, Robert L. Glicksman | August 27, 2020
Throughout his time in office, President Donald J. Trump has boasted about cutting regulations. His antagonism to environmental regulation has been particularly virulent and incessant. By one count, Trump Administration agencies have initiated or completed 100 environmental rollbacks. By thwarting often bipartisan legislative environmental protection goals adopted over the course of 50 years, President Trump's actions create serious threats to public health and environmental integrity. The Administration's suppression of public participation in regulatory decision-making has also undercut the ability of people and communities harmed by the Administration's deregulatory frenzy to protect themselves. These anti-environmental and anti-democratic practices converged in the Administration's recent revisions to the Council on Environmental Quality's (CEQ) regulations implementing the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).
Matt Shudtz | August 26, 2020
Since the very beginning of the pandemic, public health officials have warned of a second wave of COVID infections. With no epidemiological background, I’d say the impact of the virus looks more like a wildfire rolling across a forest seeking fresh fuel. But I fear that I am on the front side of a different sort of second wave. When the pandemic forced shutdowns across the country in March and April, millions of Americans lost their jobs. Some of us, myself included, were fortunate to work for organizations that have been able to weather the storm in a “virtual office.” But with September approaching, and schools forced to navigate uncharted waters, there are hard choices to be made. My wife and I had to make one such choice not long ago, and as a result, I'm leaving the best job I've ever had.
James Goodwin | August 25, 2020
This week, CPR is launching its Beyond 12866 initiative, an online platform focused on promoting a progressive vision for rebuilding the U.S. regulatory system. Such a regulatory system will be essential not only to achieving the progressive vision of a more just and equitable society; it will also do the heavy practical lifting needed for implementing key elements of a progressive policy agenda, such as the Green New Deal, Medicare for All, and Black Lives Matter movement.
Daniel Farber | August 24, 2020
The response to the COVID-19 pandemic has driven home some lessons about governance. Those lessons have broader application -- for instance, to climate governance. We can't afford for the federal government to flunk Crisis Management 101 again.