Join us.

We’re working to create a just society and preserve a healthy environment for future generations. Donate today to help.

Donate

In Dispute over Groundwater, Court Tells Mississippi It’s Equitable Apportionment or Nothing

This post was originally published on SCOTUSblog. Reprinted under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 3.0.

Less than two months after oral argument, in its first interstate groundwater case, the Supreme Court unanimously decided that Mississippi must rely on a doctrine known as equitable apportionment if it wants to sue Tennessee over the shared Middle Claiborne Aquifer. In an opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, the court squarely rejected Mississippi's claim that Tennessee is stealing Mississippi's groundwater, noting that it had "'consistently denied' the proposition that a State may exercise exclusive ownership or control of interstate waters."

The Supreme Court's decision

As expected, the court's opinion in Mississippi v. Tennessee is short — 12 pages, half of which recount the long history of the case. Nevertheless, in this first opinion about states' rights to interstate aquifers, the court made three important decisions that are likely to guide future interstate disputes over natural resources.

First, the court identified three criteria for determining when equitable apportionment is the appropriate doctrine to govern an interstate dispute. Emphasizing that it has applied equitable apportionment to not only rivers and streams but also to interstate river basins, to groundwater pumping that affects surface water flows, and to anadromous fish like Chinook salmon and steelhead trout, the court stated that equitable apportionment applies only when transboundary resources are at issue. Concluding that the "Middle Claiborne Aquifer's 'multistate character' seems beyond dispute," the court moved on to its second criterion: that the water or resource "flows naturally between the States." Importantly, it concluded that the speed of that flow doesn't matter. Although the water in the Middle Claiborne Aquifer moves only one or two inches a day, the aquifer is still within the realm of equitable apportionment. The last criterion requires that one state's use of the resource can affect the resource in the other state; indeed, "[s]uch interstate effects are a hallmark of our equitable apportionment cases." Because Tennessee's pumping of the groundwater created a "cone of depression" that crossed the border, the case met all three criteria, and "[f]or these reasons," Roberts concluded, "we hold that the waters of the Middle Claiborne Aquifer are subject to the judicial remedy of equitable apportionment."

Second, the court thoroughly rejected Mississippi's sovereign ownership theory, emphasizing that states sharing a water resource must respect each other's interests in that resource. In contrast, "Mississippi's ownership approach would allow an upstream State to completely cut off flow to a downstream one, a result contrary to our equitable apportionment jurisprudence."

Third, the court dismissed the recalcitrant Mississippi's lawsuit rather than letting the state amend its complaint to assert an equitable apportionment claim. Because Mississippi had neither asked the court for leave to amend nor tendered a proposed amended complaint, it left the court with little option, procedurally, except to dismiss. Nevertheless, one can also sense the court's mild rebuke to Mississippi's stubborn refusal to request an equitable apportionment and the subsequent shaping of the proceedings to assess tort allegations based on the impacts of Tennessee's pumping, rather than allowing the broader evidentiary inquiries, and perhaps joinder of more states, that an equitable apportionment would require.

Implications for the future

As climate change and drought make interstate groundwater disputes increasingly likely in the future, states now know that equitable apportionment is the background principle for sharing groundwater. Two important considerations follow for states that share aquifers.

First, conjunctive equitable apportionment is now at least theoretically possible. As the court itself noted, it has already considered groundwater pumping that affects surface water to be relevant to its interstate water decisions. By clearly subjecting both sources of water to the same legal doctrine, the court has also arguably allowed for states to trade one resource against the other. For example, a downstream state that really wants a surface water flow for ecological reasons, as Florida wanted in last term's Florida v. Georgia, may be able to trade its rights to shared groundwater resources to get more of the shared surface water resources.

Second, the decision in Mississippi v. Tennessee makes clear, yet again, that interstate compacts offer states clear advantages over equitable apportionment. The court noted, for example, that were Mississippi to pursue equitable apportionment, it would have to show through clear and convincing evidence that it had suffered a real and substantial injury. As Florida learned last term, that is an extremely difficult burden to meet even in the surface water context, and even when fisheries and endangered species depend on the flow of water. The burden is likely to be even harder to meet in the groundwater context, where substantial injury will be difficult to show unless wells are drying up and the cost of sinking them deeper is exorbitantly high — at which point the aquifer has probably been thoroughly mined and there's not much left to apportion. Notably, the court also distinguished the 2013 Tarrant Regional Water District v. Herrmann case, which Mississippi attempted to rely on for its territorial invasion claim, explicitly on the grounds that Tarrant involved an interstate compact. In that case, the court emphasized, "the affected States had taken it upon themselves to negotiate a compact that determined their respective rights to the resource in question," eliminating the applicability of equitable apportionment.

In the surface water context, equitable apportionment has long been recognized to disadvantage the downstream state. In the groundwater context, in contrast, "upstream" and "downstream" are often not as clear, meaning that more states sharing groundwater may have incentive to negotiate compacts. Combining surface water and groundwater negotiations, moreover, could allow states both to deal with hydrologically connected groundwater directly and to negotiate more creative tradeoffs across resources. While Mississippi v. Tennessee is unlikely to spark a bold new era of interstate water compacts, a few states that share declining aquifers may take that opportunity now that the court has made clear the background principles against which they negotiate.

Showing 2,821 results

Robin Kundis Craig | November 23, 2021

In Dispute over Groundwater, Court Tells Mississippi It’s Equitable Apportionment or Nothing

Less than two months after oral argument, in its first interstate groundwater case, the Supreme Court unanimously decided that Mississippi must rely on a doctrine known as equitable apportionment if it wants to sue Tennessee over the shared Middle Claiborne Aquifer. In an opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, the court squarely rejected Mississippi's claim that Tennessee is stealing Mississippi's groundwater, noting that it had "'consistently denied' the proposition that a State may exercise exclusive ownership or control of interstate waters." As expected, the court's opinion in Mississippi v. Tennessee is short -- 12 pages, half of which recount the long history of the case. Nevertheless, in this first opinion about states' rights to interstate aquifers, the court made three important decisions that are likely to guide future interstate disputes over natural resources.

Karen Sokol | November 22, 2021

Fossil Fuel Industry Continues to Deny Climate Science & Climate Justice . . . Under Oath

During a historic hearing before the U.S. House Committee on Oversight and Reform on October 28, the executives of ExxonMobil, Chevron, Shell, BP, and the American Petroleum Institute (API), refused to admit to their decades-long climate disinformation campaign that is now well-documented in publicly available documents uncovered by journalists and researchers. If that weren’t enough, the executives continued to deny climate science under oath, albeit with a slight twist from their previous disinformation campaign. Instead of denying the science establishing that fossil fuels are driving the climate crisis, they’re now denying the science establishing the urgent need for a rapid transition away from fossil fuels. In other words, they’re still lying -- a strategy that was on full display in this blockbuster hearing.

Catalina Gonzalez, Maggie Dewane | November 18, 2021

U.S. Uses COP26 to Signal Leadership on Climate, but More Action Needed

Despite President Biden’s bold climate commitments at home and COP26, his administration and Congress have much more work to address climate change and to make climate justice a reality.

Emily Ranson, Marcha Chaudry | November 16, 2021

Maryland Matters Op-ed: Learning Lessons to Protect Workers through Pandemics

Although vaccination rates continue to rise and coverage on COVID-19 is fading away from prominent news dashboards, our rates are still higher than in summer 2020. While we still adapt to living and working with COVID-19, we must prepare for future public health emergencies so we do not lose another year figuring out our response.

Daniel Farber | November 15, 2021

Aggregating the Harms of Fossil Fuels

Our system of environmental regulation divides up regulation of a single substance based on each of its environmental impacts. Thus, the regulatory system sees the "trees," not the "forest." That muddies the waters when we are talking about regulatory priorities, strategies, and long-term goals. It can also lead to framing issues in ways that may weaken environmentalist arguments, since the various harms of a substance or activity get fragmented into different silos. Fossil fuels are a case in point.

Richard Pierce, Jr. | November 11, 2021

The Need to Change Jurisdiction Over the U.S. Electric Grid

Effective climate change mitigation depends critically on the ability to substitute electricity for gasoline as the primary transportation fuel and to substitute carbon-free fuels for fossil fuels as the country’s primary source of electricity. But the nation’s electricity transmission grid is woefully inadequate to accomplish these important tasks, and the U.S. regulatory system renders it impossible for regulators and clean energy advocates to implement the necessary expansion of grid capacity. Most sources of carbon-free electricity are located a long distance away from the places where most people live and work. Studies indicate that the United States can provide carbon-free electricity to major population centers only by adding transmission lines to the grid.

Daniel Farber | November 8, 2021

The Climate Bill Inside the Infrastructure Bill

Late Friday, the House passed President Biden's infrastructure bill, the Build Back Better law. As The Washington Post aptly observed, the bill is the biggest climate legislation to ever move through Congress. It also attracted key support from some Republicans, which was essential to passing it in both houses of Congress. Biden is pushing for an even bigger companion bill, but the infrastructure bill is a huge victory in its own right. One major area of spending is transportation. Some of that goes for roads and bridges. But as The Washington Post reports, there's a lot of money for rail and mass transit.

Daniel Farber | November 4, 2021

Major Questions About the Major Questions Doctrine

Unless you're deeply immersed in administrative law, you may not have heard of the major questions doctrine. It's a legal theory that conservative judges have used with increasing rigor to block important regulatory initiatives. The doctrine places special obstacles on agency regulation of issues of "major economic and political significance."

Minor Sinclair | October 28, 2021

A Turning Point on Climate — and for the Center for Progressive Reform

Our society has finally reached a turning point on climate. I’m not referring to the “point of irreversibility” about which the United Nations warns us: In nine short years, the cascading impacts of climate change will trigger more and greater impacts -- to the point of no return. Rather, we have reached the turning point of political will for climate action. There is no going back to climate passivity or denialism. Choosing to electrify and greenify is a progressive agenda, a mainstream agenda, and an industry agenda -- though all of these agendas differ.