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In Debate on Waxman-Markey, a Question on Avoiding Liability for Violating the Law

A coalition of conservative and moderate Democrats has recommended deleting section 336 of the Waxman-Markey climate change bill because of “concern among industry about potential new liability for any emitter” under that provision (see the proposed amendments). Some polluters' objective, apparently, is to avoid liability for violating the law, and they recommend this deletion as a step toward accomplishing that goal.

But section 336 does not create any liability, new or old. Section 723 of the Waxman-Markey bill does that, quite appropriately, by establishing penalties for failure to meet targets or purchase sufficient allowances. And the liability in this other section does not apply to “any emitter,” but only to emitters that violate the law by failing to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The whole notion that new obligations should create no new liability for violators, if accepted, would convert this bill from a mandatory cap and trade bill to another Bush Administration voluntary program. Industry concern about “potential new liability” should not be reason to amend a climate change bill at this point in the history of the world.

Section 336, however, has a much narrower effect. It attempts to preserve citizen standing in cases involving violations of climate change legal requirements by specifying that affected citizens may sue based on the potential contribution of a legal violation to global climate disruption. Without this provision, courts are more likely to make current law authorizing citizen enforcement of environmental law a dead letter in the climate change context.

Section 336 seeks to preserve citizen standing in two classes of cases, judicial review of agency actions, such as EPA rulemaking on climate change, and citizen suits. The first class of cases, judicial review, does not involve suits against industry. It is common for both industry and citizen groups to sue EPA when they believe that EPA has promulgated rules that do not conform to a statute. But growing hostility to environmental groups in the courts has created a possibility that courts may allow industry to sue when EPA acts illegally, while prohibiting environmental groups from suing. This part of section 336 signals the courts that Congress views citizen standing in global warming cases as appropriate, thereby preserving a level playing field. If industry can sue and citizen groups cannot, industry will have enormous leverage to defeat effective implementation of the law.

Section 336’s second class of cases, citizen suits, often does involve lawsuits against polluters who fail to meet statutory requirements. But citizen suits also serve the function of enforcing deadlines for EPA actions. Absent such suits by citizens against federal agencies, polluters can often pressure those agencies into long delays in carrying out statutory mandates, which might be disastrous in the global warming context. Eliminating section 336 would wipe out an effort to preserve citizen standing in cases forcing the agency to carry out statutorily required activities.

Of course, section 336 also does seek to preserve citizen standing to enforce pollution control requirements for greenhouse gas emissions (suits against polluters), thereby putting efforts to address global warming on a par with previous efforts to address other environmental problems (see Nina Mendelson's earlier post on how citizen suit provisions are the norm in environmental regulations ). Government enforcement resources are pitifully inadequate for existing environmental problems. When we add global warming to EPA’s agenda, a problem that stems from huge groups of emitting sources, and authorize trading, which makes enforcement more complicated, this problem will grow worse. Citizen suits help alleviate this problem by supplementing government efforts. Furthermore, this bill is designed to guide an effort over more than four decades. Citizen suits can compensate for deliberate non-enforcement during periods when the executive branch refuses to enforce the law, because of its ideology or special interest capture.

Section 336 helps provide for the enforcement of law and would help make for a more level playing field for citizens and concerned groups working to hold industry accountable. Removing the provision would only serve to weaken the law.

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David Driesen | April 29, 2009

In Debate on Waxman-Markey, a Question on Avoiding Liability for Violating the Law

A coalition of conservative and moderate Democrats has recommended deleting section 336 of the Waxman-Markey climate change bill because of “concern among industry about potential new liability for any emitter” under that provision (see the proposed amendments). Some polluters’ objective, apparently, is to avoid liability for violating the law, and they recommend this deletion as […]

Matthew Freeman | April 29, 2009

CPR’s Steinzor Testfies on Regulatory Process

This morning, the Center for Progressive Reform’s Rena Steinzor testifies before the House Science and Technology Committee’s Subcommittee on Investigations and Oversight.  In her remarks, she calls on the White House to reshape the role of the director of OMB’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs — the so-called regulatory czar.  All too frequently OIRA […]

A. Dan Tarlock | April 29, 2009

The First 100 Days: At Interior, Several Positive Developments, but the Jury is Still Out

This post is written by CPR Member Scholars Dan Tarlock and Holly Doremus How has the Department of Interior fared during the first 100 days? If history is any guide, the issue may be more important than many people assume. With one major and one minor exception, Secretaries of the Interior stay put in Democratic […]

William Funk | April 28, 2009

The First 100 Days: A Positive Beginning on the Freedom of Information Act

There are few areas where the difference between the Republican and Democratic parties is more stark than that of the Freedom of Information Act. The FOIA, of course, requires agencies to provide copies of their records to any person upon request unless the record fits within one of nine specific exemptions. Among the most important […]

Rena Steinzor | April 28, 2009

The First 100 Days: On the Environment, a President to be Proud of; An Agenda Just Beyond Reach

Inside the Washington Beltway, we are awash in stories about President Obama’s first 100 days. Some are comparative—how is Obama doing in relationship to Franklin Roosevelt at the same point in his first term? Some are pure spin—“we’re competent and we love each other!" opines Rahm Emanuel, the obviously biased Obama chief of staff. And […]

Victor Flatt | April 27, 2009

Proposed Amendments to Waxman-Markey Could Diminish Integrity of Offset Provisions

Two weeks ago, Representatives Waxman and Markey put forth a 648-page legislative draft for dealing with climate change. That draft had proposals for the use of offsets, some good and some not so good (see my earlier post). Moderate and conservative Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee have now put forward suggested changes (as […]

Yee Huang | April 24, 2009

I’ll Have a Water… With a Splash of Warfarin

Never mind the unusual wave of intersex fish or the mutant frogs appearing in a waterway near you. Earlier this week the Associated Press published the results of an investigation of pharmaceuticals in the nation’s waters.  The reporters found that U.S. drug companies have legally released at least 271 million pounds of pharmaceuticals into waterways, […]

Frank Ackerman | April 23, 2009

A Day at the Waxman-Markey Hearings

It must be worthwhile; at least, I keep doing it. Wednesday was the third time in the last eight months that I’ve testified before a House committee about the costs of inaction on climate change, a topic I study at the Stockholm Environment Institute-US Center, a research institute affiliated with Tufts University in Boston. The […]

Holly Doremus | April 22, 2009

What’s new on the Delta?

This item is cross-posted by permission from Legal Planet. Quite a bit, and most of the news is bad. American Rivers has declared the Sacramento-San Joaquin the most endangered river in the United States. The longfin smelt has been listed as threatened by the state, but it is not going to be federally listed, at […]