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Who Needs Regulation, Anyway?

The Competitive Enterprise Institute is upset with the way administrative law works. On Thursday they released their annual report on the costs of regulations. I hesitate to dignify it with pixels, but here goes.

CEI has a problem with agency rulemaking altogether:

Congress should answer for the compliance costs (and benefits) of federal regulations. Requiring expedited votes on economically significant or controversial agency rules before they become binding on the population would reestablish congressional accountability and would help fulfill the principle of “no regulation without representation.”

First, CEI owes an apology to our revolutionary forebears for bending the notion of “no taxation without representation” into an anti-regulatory chant. And while I’m diverting, exactly who is without representation in this construction? More significantly, long before agencies adopt regulations – and in many cases, a very long time before they adopt them – elected officials have already passed health and safety laws with instructions to the agencies on how rules are to be developed. In theory, the policymaking and political part of the process is supposed to end right there. The agencies are supposed to implement the law, applying whatever technical expertise is required in a way that’s consistent with Congress’s direction. In practice, the politicking goes on long after Congress does its work, precisely because CEI’s industry friends line up outside the door of regulatory agencies and the White House “regulatory czar,” even before the ink is dry from the Presidential bill-signing ceremony. In effect, industry gets multiple bites of the apple. First, they contribute millions of dollars to congressional campaigns, in hopes of producing Members of Congress who feel indebted to them. Then they pour vast sums of money into lobbying when Congress is preparing to legislate. And then, once a bill is signed into law, they go to work on the regulatory agencies, applying pressure, burying them in “data dumps” intended to slow down the process, and more. Eventually that process yields a proposed regulation. It’s at that point -- often years removed from passage of the original legislation because of industry efforts to delay and hobble the effort to regulate -- it’s at that point, CEI suggests, that we should give industry yet one more bite of the apple, asking for Congress to vote again on the regulation, no doubt amidst one final blizzard of lobbying and campaign contributions. Another important point is that CEI hangs much of its “analysis” on the idea that we should subject regulations to rigorous cost-benefit analysis (CBA). No doubt that seems like a good idea to CEI because CBA has proved so much more effective at slanting the playing field against protective regulations than it has at actually measuring the costs and benefits of regulations. But here’s the kicker, most of the nation’s protective statutes don’t call for CBA. Of the 31 major statutory provisions protecting health, safety, and the environment, only two require cost-benefit analysis. Six allow it. Then there are the other 23, which instruct the agencies to use some other method of regulatory impact anaylsis, usually a technology-based or effects-based standard (see our cost-benefit analysis chart). That hasn't stopped the White House and agencies from weakening rules through cost-benefit analysis, unfortunately, but that doesn't mean the laws aren't clear about what standard Congress intended. So if CEI is truly worried about following the will of our elected Congress, they've gotten themselves into a pickle. But let me move to the real world for a moment. CEI's anti-regulatory vision is not just some future hypothetical. In many areas, we’ve already tried CEI’s vision of allowing big business to pollute however much they want, and we know the consequences. We tried letting polluters use the Chesapeake Bay as a dumping ground, and sure enough they killed jobs in Maryland’s oyster and fishing industries. We tried letting paint manufacturers continue putting lead in paint even after we knew it was toxic, and ended up with thousands upon thousands of kids with significantly lowered IQs. I could go on. The point is, there’s good reason the public supports a role for the government in protecting us from those who would do us harm just to maximize profits. And there's no good reason to give industry one more chance to block badly needed regulations.  

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Matthew Freeman | April 16, 2010

Who Needs Regulation, Anyway?

The Competitive Enterprise Institute is upset with the way administrative law works. On Thursday they released their annual report on the costs of regulations. I hesitate to dignify it with pixels, but here goes. CEI has a problem with agency rulemaking altogether: Congress should answer for the compliance costs (and benefits) of federal regulations. Requiring […]

Alice Kaswan | April 15, 2010

Mind the Climate Gap: New Study Highlights the Need to Design GHG Cap-and-Trade Policies to Improve Local Air Quality

In “Minding the Climate Gap: What’s at Stake if California’s Climate Law Isn’t Done Right and Right Away,” released Wednesday, researchers from several California universities have correlated the relationship between greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and associated co-pollutants in several California industries. The results demonstrate that California’s climate law, AB 32, enacted in 2006, could help […]

Ben Somberg | April 15, 2010

Lautenberg’s TSCA Bill is Up; Initial Reactions From Advocates

Senator Frank Lautenberg today released the  “Safe Chemicals Act of 2010 ” — a bill to reform the Toxic Substances Control Act. Representatives Rush and Waxman released a discussion draft of related legislation in the House. Here are reactions from Environmental Defense Fund, Environmental Working Group, Natural Resources Defence Council, and Safer Chemicals, Healthy Familes […]

William Funk | April 13, 2010

The Public Needs a Voice in Policy. But is Involving the Public in Rulemaking a Workable Idea?

Informal rulemaking under the Administrative Procedure Act was, as the late Kenneth Culp Davis opined, “one of the greatest inventions of modern government.” It not only decreased the procedural requirements (and therefore the overhead) of “formal” rulemaking, but it also broadened the universe of persons able to participate in the informal proceeding to the public […]

Celeste Monforton | April 12, 2010

MSHA’s Band-Aid Approach Turns Deadly

Cross-posted from The Pump Handle. Last month, the US Dept of Labor (DOL) and MSHA were celebrating the 40th anniversary of the Coal Mine Health and Safety Act.  Their proclamations said: “…this law represents a watershed moment in the improvement of occupational health and safety in the United States. It was the precursor to the […]

Ben Somberg | April 9, 2010

Putting the Attack on the Maryland Law School Environmental Clinic in Context

CPR President Rena Steinzor (former director of the University of Maryland’s Environmental Law Clinic) and Robert Kuehn, president of the Clinical Legal Education Association, have a post over at ACSBlog putting the recent attack on the independence of the Maryland clinic into the context of other such moves across the country. The Maryland legislature recently […]

Daniel Farber | April 9, 2010

Justice Stevens: Architect of Modern Environmental Law Doctrine

Cross-posted from Legal Planet. When I sat down to write this blog posting, I started by going through my environmental law casebook and noting down the cases in which Justice Stevens had written the majority opinion or a major dissent.   When I got done, I was startled by the central role Justice Stevens had played […]

Yee Huang | April 9, 2010

What Maryland Stakeholders Told Us About the State’s Clean Water Act Enforcement Program

In preparing CPR’s recent white paper, Failing the Bay: Clean Water Act Enforcement in Maryland Falling Short, we conducted interviews with sixteen stakeholders across Maryland to assess MDE’s enforcement program as it operates on the ground. Collectively the stakeholders have decades of experience with enforcement at the federal, state, and local levels, as well as […]

Ben Somberg | April 8, 2010

We Have a First Drywall Ruling

AP: A New Orleans federal judge on Thursday awarded seven Virginia families $2.6 million in damages for homes ruined by sulfur-emitting drywall made in China, a decision that could affect how lawsuits by thousands of other homeowners are settled. It remains to be seen how the plaintiffs can collect from Chinese companies that do not […]