This is the first of two posts on wage theft and how it hurts workers, families, and communities. For the next post on wage theft and forced arbitration, check this space on Wednesday, July 20.
Wage theft is a massive crisis for workers, but federal, state, and local agencies have failed to address the problem. Wage theft occurs in many forms: Paying wages lower than the minimum wage, not paying overtime wages, coercing employees to work "off the clock" before or after shifts, prohibiting workers from taking legally mandated breaks, confiscating tips, and more.
A 2021 report from the Economic Policy Institute found that workers are deprived of an estimated $15 billion per year through minimum wage violations alone, but state and federal enforcement only recovered $1.7 billion in unlawfully withheld wages between 2017 and 2020 — only 2.8 percent of the estimated $60 billion stolen over that four-year period. The true magnitude of wage theft is almost unknowable because most wage and overtime violations go unreported.
Workers of color, immigrants, and women in low-wage sectors are especially likely to be victims of wage theft. An investigation by the New York Attorney General, for example, found that two home health care companies had cheated 12,000 aides out of nearly $19 million. In New York, 60 percent of home health aides are immigrants, 90 percent are women, and 18 percent live below the poverty line.
To adequately punish and deter unlawful wage and overtime practices, state attorneys general and district attorneys must rigorously investigate and prosecute wage theft as a criminal offense.
The Current System Is Failing Workers
The federal investigation and penalty regime is abysmal at incentivizing employers to comply with the Federal Labor Standards Act (FLSA), which creates federal requirements on the minimum wage and overtime pay. Unfortunately, the penalty scheme outlined in the law has done little to deter wage theft and other illegal activity.
First, the probability that an employer will be investigated by the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) is only 0.5 percent. When unlawful practices are detected, DOL may impose a civil fine of up to $2,203 for willful or repeated violations of the FLSA's wage and overtime provisions, a slap on the wrist for large employers. In comparison, Australia's Protecting Vulnerable Workers Act of 2017 includes penalties of up to $630,000 per violation for companies and $126,000 for individuals.
Additionally, violations largely go unpenalized. A 2020 report from the Peterson Institute for International Economics explained that of nearly 150,000 wage and overtime cases between 2005 and 2020, only 9 percent were repeat violations, and only 2 percent of the first-time violations were considered willful. That means the vast majority of violations do not result in any monetary penalties because DOL only has authority to impose fines on those who repeatedly or willfully violate the FLSA. In cases that do involve willful and/or repeat violations, DOL did not require employers to pay any penalty 41 percent of the time.
The FLSA does have a section establishing criminal penalties for repeat violators — a maximum fine of $10,000 and up to six months imprisonment — but the Peterson Institute report found only 10 criminal convictions between 2005 and 2016.
Given the failure of state and federal agencies to detect and penalize wage theft, employees may also try to recover stolen wages through private actions. Private class and collective actions, however, are equally as ineffectual at securing unpaid wages for victims. Forced arbitration and class action waivers in employment contracts often create insurmountable barriers to justice. A miniscule fraction of workers subject to forced arbitration will ever file a complaint and pursue it to resolve wage and hour violations. Stay tuned to this space for more on this problem soon.
States Taking the Lead
A handful of states have begun treating wage theft as a crime rather than a civil violation. In these states, criminal convictions for wage theft come with hefty fines, asset seizure, prohibitions on competing for government contracts, arrests, and potentially jail time.
In December 2017, the New York State Attorney General and several district attorneys from New York City announced the Wage Theft Initiative, a collaborative effort to combat wage theft and other economic crimes, such as fraud and worker exploitation. Minnesota's attorney general's office established a Wage Theft Unit in 2019, and the state's legislature passed a law that specifies criminal charges with jail time and fines of up to $100,000. In Washington, D.C., wage theft is a misdemeanor that carries a sentence of up to 90 days in prison, in addition to a maximum $10,000 fine for each affected employee.
These efforts to address wage theft increase the likelihood that violations of applicable wage and overtime laws are detected and investigated, escalate the costs of the violations, and deter bad behavior. For example, the prevalence of minimum wage underpayment is significantly lower in states with greater penalties.
Boosting state and local enforcement also shifts the burden off workers to file complaints or initiate collective actions against their employers. Litigation and arbitration are expensive and time-consuming processes, and low-wage workers often cannot use them to recover their stolen wages.
Wage theft is a crime against workers that deprives individuals and families of their livelihoods. State attorneys general and district attorneys must deploy their resources to investigate, prosecute, and punish wage theft.
To find detailed information on incidents of wage theft and other crimes against workers, visit CPR's first- and only-of-its-kind Crimes Against Workers Database. To learn more about the adverse impact of forced arbitration on low-income workers and workers of color, read CPR's February 2022 report on the subject.
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Grace DuBois | July 19, 2022
Wage theft is a massive crisis for workers, but federal, state, and local agencies have failed to address the problem. Wage theft occurs in many forms: Paying wages lower than the minimum wage, not paying overtime wages, coercing employees to work "off the clock" before or after shifts, prohibiting workers from taking legally mandated breaks, confiscating tips, and more.
Alexandra Rogan | July 15, 2022
Without Senator Joe Manchin's (D-WV) support, a key energy bill will fail to move forward in the U.S. Senate. The bill's provisions would have taken needed steps toward limiting the global average temperature change to 1.5 degree Celcius, the goal of the Paris Climate Agreement, and transitioning our nation to a clean energy economy.
Minor Sinclair | July 15, 2022
Nationally, nonprofit organizations employ about 10 percent of the entire private workforce. That’s 12 million paid workers -- nearly as many as the entire manufacturing field. Many of those employees, with the exception of higher-paid college and hospital workers, earn $4 to $5 per hour less in terms of total compensation than similar workers in private industry. Many factors contribute to the nonprofit wage gap. For some organizations, a reliance on donations or government contracts puts a ceiling on employee compensation. For others, mission-first means serving the cause even if it means sacrificing the financial well-being of the employees tasked with doing the actual work. This is unacceptable -- especially during a time when the nonprofit world is increasingly focused on the importance of aligning mission and human-resource policies. But figuring out how to make that alignment happen is the tricky part.
Hannah Klaus | July 13, 2022
Duke Energy, a major corporation with near-monopoly control over North Carolina’s electric grid, has outsized influence over the state’s decarbonization plan, which is now under review. The state legislature ordered the utility commission to make a 70 percent reduction in carbon emissions by 2030 and to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. Duke Energy has submitted a plan to the commission to meet those goals, but the plan fails to take affordability and equity into full account. What’s worse: Low-wealth people aren’t required -- or, in many cases, even able -- to participate in the planning process. They’re shut out.
Alice Kaswan | July 7, 2022
The Center for Progressive Reform has joined close to 1,000 organizations and individuals in providing comments on California's long-awaited plan for achieving carbon neutrality, the Draft 2022 Scoping Plan Update (Draft Plan). Gov. Gavin Newsom gave the California Air Resources Board (CARB), the state agency tasked with coordinating the plan, a daunting challenge: achieving carbon neutrality by 2045 at the latest. Our comments conclude that the state should (1) be more ambitious, (2) more explicitly achieve multiple objectives, including environmental justice, and (3) develop a supplemental plan that more specifically outlines the policy tools the state will employ to achieve its objectives.
Alexandra Rogan | July 7, 2022
An article co-written by Center for Progressive Reform Member Scholar David Adelman and Attorney Advisor at the U.S. Environmental Protection (EPA) Jori Reilly-Diakun was selected for inclusion in this year’s Environmental Law and Policy Annual Review (ELPAR). ELPAR is a student-edited volume published annually in the August issue of the Environmental Law Reporter. It features abridged versions of selected articles with commentary from environmental experts.
Grace DuBois | July 5, 2022
Throughout the first half of 2022, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has announced several actions in pursuit of the goals it laid out in its PFAS Strategic Roadmap -- the blueprint it released last October outlining plans for addressing widespread PFAS contamination in the United States. Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS, are a group of more than 9,000 synthetic chemicals that pose serious risks to human health, including increased blood pressure and cholesterol levels, abnormal liver function, decreased birth weights, and certain cancers. Exposure to even extremely low levels of certain PFAS are unsafe for humans.
Robert Fischman | June 30, 2022
In West Virginia v. EPA, the U.S. Supreme Court slayed a phantom, a regulation that does not exist. Why? The justices in the majority could not contain their zeal to hollow out the EPA’s ability to lessen suffering from climate change in ways that impinge the profits of entrenched fossil fuel interests.
James Goodwin, Shelley Welton | June 29, 2022
These days, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission can no longer be described as a technocratic, under-the-radar agency that sets policies on energy infrastructure and market rules, rates, and standards. As energy policy has become front-page news, FERC has begun updating its regulations to meet new exigencies. The agency has taken big steps to support affordability and a transition to cleaner energy, including proposing updates to the way it permits natural gas pipelines and beginning to overhaul how regions plan and pay for the expansion of electricity transmission infrastructure. These moves have provoked controversy because their stakes are high: Billions of dollars of infrastructure expenditures are on the table. What gets built, who pays, who hosts this infrastructure, and who makes those decisions also have major implications for equity and racial justice.