Eighty percent of the antibiotics used in this country are given not to humans, but to animals destined for the human food supply. Most of these antibiotics are given to the animals not for the purpose of treating active infections, but for the purposes of promoting growth and preventing infection in the microbe-rich environment of the modern factory farm. For over 40 years, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has been collecting evidence that this agricultural practice contributes to the development of antibiotic-resistant infections in the human population. Based on such evidence, in fact, the agency proposed to withdraw its prior approvals for two antibiotics used in animal feed due to the risks they posed to human health. The agency promised to hold hearings on the matter. That was over 35 years ago. On Friday, the future of this issue will be debated in oral arguments in a key case before the Second Circuit Court of Appeals.
In the last 35 years, the FDA has continued to accumulate evidence of the link between administering subtherapeutic doses of antibiotics to food animals and the development of antibiotic-resistant infections in the human population. Indeed, the agency itself has repeatedly acknowledged the link between herd- and flock-wide administration of antibiotics to food animals and the development of antibiotic-resistant disease in humans. But still it has done nothing to take the drugs off the market. Not surprisingly, after watching the FDA sit still for decades, public health and environmental organizations eventually grew restless, and petitioned the agency to hold the hearings and to withdraw the relevant approvals.
In 2011, almost 35 years after finding that using antibiotics in animal feed was linked to antibiotic resistance in humans, the FDA finally answered the petitions. It denied them. The agency explained -- without a trace of irony -- that the process for withdrawing these approvals would simply take too long and that the agency was thus instead encouraging the animal feed industry to take voluntary measures to address the overuse of antibiotics. The FDA argued that the process for withdrawing approvals would take too long because the agency thought itself legally bound to offer formal, trial-type hearings on the question whether the relevant antibiotics were "safe" within the meaning of the relevant statute, the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.
A federal district court in New York rejected the FDA’s decision. In complex but compelling rulings, a magistrate judge held that the FDA was obliged to move forward with hearings on the safety of the routine administration of antibiotics to animals destined for the human food supply. The magistrate judge concluded that, with respect to two antibiotics, penicillin and tetracycline, the FDA had already -- in 1977 and beyond -- found that routinely administering these drugs to animals for the purposes of promoting growth and preventing infection was not safe. With respect to other antibiotics covered by the citizen petitions, the judge concluded that the agency must initiate withdrawal proceedings because its reasons for refusing to do so were arbitrary and capricious. The FDA appealed to the Second Circuit.
On Friday, the appeals court will hear oral argument in this case. The petitioners, led by the Natural Resources Defense Council, deserve to win for all of the reasons cited in the magistrate judge’s painstaking opinion.
They also deserve to win for another reason (as I explain in detail in a new paper). The core legal premise of the FDA's decision -- its belief that it was legally obligated to hold formal hearings in the circumstances presented -- is simply mistaken. In making this argument, the FDA has ignored decades of developments in administrative law and has misread its own governing statute. For decades, administrative agencies have -- with the active approval of the courts reviewing their actions -- moved away from formal process and trial-type hearings, and toward informal process and legislative rules. The FDA's unyielding legal position in the context of antibiotics fed to livestock -- that formal hearings must precede the withdrawal of approval for animal drugs -- is like an administrative-law time capsule, filled decades ago and untouched ever since.
In short, the FDA has the power under the law to act on antibiotics in animal feed without going through the years-long process of formal hearings. The agency’s primary excuse for failing to act for all these years is based on a mistake of law. Once that mistake is corrected, the agency must either act with expedition or explain the inexplicable: why it is choosing the slower, more process-intensive path to protecting the public health.
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Lisa Heinzerling | February 6, 2013
Eighty percent of the antibiotics used in this country are given not to humans, but to animals destined for the human food supply. Most of these antibiotics are given to the animals not for the purpose of treating active infections, but for the purposes of promoting growth and preventing infection in the microbe-rich environment of […]
Daniel Farber | February 5, 2013
Cross-posted from Legal Planet. Cost-benefit analysis has become a ubiquitous part of regulation, enforced by the Office of Management and Budget. A weak cost-benefit analysis means that the regulation gets kicked back to the agency. Yet there is no statute that provides for this; it’s entirely a matter of Presidential dictate. And reliance on cost-benefit […]
Alexandra Klass | February 4, 2013
President Obama’s focus in his second inaugural address on the need to address climate change was welcome after many months of near silence on this critical issue. While tackling climate change will require significant efforts limiting emissions from power plants, automobiles, and other sources, the President has recognized in the past that improving energy efficiency […]
Sidney A. Shapiro | January 29, 2013
Congress created the Office of Advocacy (Office) of the Small Business Administration (SBA) to represent the interests of small business before regulatory agencies. It recognized that, unlike larger firms, many, if not most, small businesses can’t afford to lobby regulators and file rulemaking comments because of the expense involved. The Office was supposed to fill […]
Matthew Freeman | January 28, 2013
CPR Member Scholar David Driesen of Syracuse University has an op-ed in the January 28 Syracuse Post-Standard making the case that the President should reinvigorate his regulatory agenda, in part by diminishing the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs’ power to stifle regulations. He puts the argument in the context of the pressing need for action on […]
David Driesen | January 24, 2013
Cross-posted from RegBlog. Nobody seems to have noticed, but the Center for Progressive Reform (CPR) recently recommended abolition of review by the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) based on cost-benefit analysis (CBA). Its report on recommendations for the second Obama Administration made this proposal the sixth item in a list of seven executive orders that Obama […]
Frank Ackerman | January 23, 2013
Cross-posted from Triple Crisis. Climate science paints an ever-more-detailed picture: irreversible, catastrophic events are becoming increasingly likely as greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise. Climate economics, particularly in its policy applications, lags behind: leading models and analyses frequently ignore the extreme risks and the intergenerational aspect of the problem – and rely on simplistic and […]
Joel A. Mintz | January 22, 2013
The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) was one of the first environmental statutes of the modern era. Best known for its environmental impact statement (EIS) requirement, and for establishing the Council on Environmental Quality, NEPA has been the basis for numerous lawsuits challenging federal government projects that will or may have an adverse […]
James Goodwin | January 18, 2013
Yesterday, the Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) finalized the long overdue Pattern of Violations rule, a measure that will enhance the agency’s enforcement authority by making it easier for the agency to hold scofflaw mines strictly accountable for repeatedly and needlessly putting their workers at risk of chronic illness, severe injury, or even death. […]