Yesterday, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced that it was “withdrawing” from White House review its draft final guidance that sought to clarify the scope of the Clean Water Act. The guidance had been languishing at the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), which oversees the White House regulatory review process, for 575 days, even though Executive Order 12866, the document that governs OIRA review of regulations, caps the length of reviews at 90 days plus a limited, one-time extension of 30 days. This is just the latest episode in what now appears to be a new disturbing trend: The Obama Administration seems to be increasingly relying on a relatively uncommon practice known as a “withdrawal” to unceremoniously dispose of long-overdue OIRA reviews involving important safeguards that are vigorously opposed by industry.
Over the last few months, several other industry-opposed rules have met a similar fate of being withdrawn after sitting at OIRA for well beyond the time limit permitted by Executive Order 12866:
·The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration’s (NHTSA) draft final rule mandating rearview cameras to prevent back-over accidents involving children: “Withdrawn” from regulatory review on June 20, 2013, after collecting dust at the OIRA for 583 days.
· The EPA’s draft proposed Chemicals of Concern list—an absurdly modest regulatory “action” that would have merely identified a handful of potentially harmful chemicals as worthy of additional agency scrutiny: “Withdrawn” from OIRA review on September 6, 2013, after an astonishing delay of 1214 days.
·The EPA’s draft proposal to limit the chemical industry’s specious “confidential business information” claims to shield crucial health and safety data on their new chemicals from public disclosure: “Withdrawn” from OIRA review on September 6, 2013 after 620 days.
Before delving into why this apparent uptick in withdrawals is cause for concern, some background may be in order. A “withdrawal” occurs when an agency voluntarily chooses to “withdraw” a draft proposed or final rule from the regulatory review process before OIRA, as the regulatory gatekeeper, has either formally approved the draft—clearing it for publication in the Federal Register—or denied it, through a “return letter,” sending the draft back to the agency for more work. At least, that’s the theory of how withdrawals work. In some cases, the circumstances suggest that OIRA or other White House officials have pressured the agency into withdrawing a rule.
The Executive Order does impose on OIRA important disclosure requirements that if followed, would help to bring needed transparency to the withdrawal process. Under the Order, these obligations are very broad, requiring OIRA to “make available to the public all documents exchanged between OIRA and the agency during the review by OIRA.” (Emphasis mine.) See for yourself at section 6(b)(4)(D). Presumably, included in “all” these “documents” would be evidence of flaws or policy disagreements that led the agency to withdraw the rule. It would also shed some light on whether this withdrawal was in fact voluntary or under pressure from the White House—and thus just a return letter by another name.
Moreover, the Executive Order explicitly affirms that these disclosure requirements apply even when a review is terminated by a “withdrawal.” Section 6(b)(4)(D) states that OIRA must disclose all of those documents after the rule under review “has been published in the Federal Register or otherwise issued to the public, or after the agency has announced its decision not to publish or issue the regulatory action.” (Emphasis mine again.) That “after the agency has announced its decision not to publish or issue the regulatory action” language, of course, is just another way of saying that a rule has been withdrawn.
The problem is OIRA’s track record for complying with these disclosure requirements is very poor (among recently completed reviews, I can only find two rules for which OIRA has released some of the required documents: the EPA’s Tier III fuel standard and the EPA’s effluent limitation guidelines for power plants), and it is even worse for reviews that ended through a withdrawal. In fact, the dockets for all of the withdrawn rules listed above contain no documents relating to the OIRA review. It’s almost as if, despite the clear language of Executive Order 12866, OIRA views the withdrawal process as providing it with a free pass from its normal disclosure requirements.
At the time of his nomination hearing in June, I applauded current “Regulatory Czar” Howard Shelanski for publicly committing to clearing OIRA's docket of the many long-overdue rules pending there. But, I am now concerned that OIRA may be utilizing the withdrawal process for achieving this objective, in effect trading the goal of transparency for the goal of ending OIRA delay of several important safeguards.
This tradeoff is unnecessary. If these long-overdue delays are the result of fundamental flaws in the rule or because of policy disagreements over the rule’s substance, then OIRA should send the rule back to the agency for more work and use a return letter that explains these flaws or disagreements. And, if an agency decides to withdraw a rule, because OIRA refuses to approve it, then the agency should issue a brief statement summarizing the problems with the rule that prevented it from clearing OIRA review in a timely fashion. In addition, OIRA should also promptly comply with its disclosure requirements under the Executive Order soon after the agency decides to withdraw a rule. Together, these steps would help to discourage potential abuse of the withdrawal process and go a long way toward eliminating the appearance of abuse of the withdrawal process.
OIRA currently has several other long-overdue reviews involving rules that are opposed by industry, including the EPA’s draft proposed Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) reporting rule for nanoscale materials and the Mine Safety and Health Administration’s (MSHA) draft proposed rule mandating proximity detection systems for mobile machines in underground mines. We’ll be watching how these reviews are resolved and whether they are withdrawn. We will continue to document any noteworthy rules that are withdrawn on CPR’s Eye on OIRA webpage. Stay tuned.
Showing 2,829 results
James Goodwin | September 18, 2013
Yesterday, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced that it was “withdrawing” from White House review its draft final guidance that sought to clarify the scope of the Clean Water Act. The guidance had been languishing at the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), which oversees the White House regulatory review process, for 575 days, even though Executive […]
Robert Verchick | September 17, 2013
Everything’s upside down. Last week a Democratic president urged a military strike in the Middle East while Republicans dithered about quagmires. Tomorrow, a subpanel of the House Energy and Commerce Committee will launch its first climate change hearing in years and hardly any Obama administration official is willing to show up. Representative Ed Whitfield (R-Ky), […]
Anne Havemann | September 17, 2013
In a much-anticipated opinion, a district court judge on Friday upheld the Bay TMDL, or pollution diet, against a challenge brought by the American Farm Bureau. The decision affirms that EPA’s Chesapeake Bay efforts have been squarely within its authority under the Clean Water Act (CWA), not to mention the various consent decrees, memoranda of […]
Erin Kesler | September 13, 2013
Earlier this week, Roll Call published an op-ed by CPR Scholars Thomas O. McGarity and Wendy Wagner entitled, “Toxics Control Bill Will Handcuff EPA.” The piece concludes: In our decades of research and writing on tort law and environmental regulation, we have never seen a pre-emption provision that intrudes more deeply into the civil litigation system at […]
Rena Steinzor | September 12, 2013
Late last month, the Department of Energy proposed long overdue energy efficiency standards for commercial refrigeration units and published them for public comment yesterday. The rules, which had been held up at OMB’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) for almost two years will resultin savings of over $28 billion for businesses over the […]
Erin Kesler | September 9, 2013
Center for Progressive Reform Member Scholar and University of Texas School of Law professor David Adelman has written an article for the Indiana Law Journal entitled,”The Collective Origins of Toxic Air Pollution: Implications for Greenhouse Gas Trading and Toxic Hotspots.” According to the abstract: This Article presents the first synthesis of geospatial data on toxic […]
Alice Kaswan | September 9, 2013
I agree with David Owen’s recent blog post that David Adelman’s article, The Collective Origins of Toxic Air Pollution: Implications for Greenhouse Gas Trading and Toxic Hotspots, makes significant contributions to our awareness of the sources of toxic pollution and our collective responsibility for reducing emissions. He focuses on the distributional implications of GHG trading […]
Dave Owen | September 9, 2013
For years, environmental activists have worried that emissions trading systems will create “hot spots.” The fear, in a nutshell, is that even if the trading system succeeds in reducing overall levels of pollutants, pollution levels in areas with lots of emissions purchasers will rise. It seems quite plausible to anticipate that the areas seeing increases […]
Rena Steinzor | September 4, 2013
We’ve often written in this space about the Obama Administration’s very bad idea to take federal inspectors of the line at poultry processing plants, leaving the discovery of blood, guts, and feathers on the carcasses to overworked and underpaid line workers forced to process as many as 70 birds per minute at the average plant. The […]